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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: cnyndwllr who wrote (446323)8/21/2003 5:01:51 PM
From: Neocon  Respond to of 769667
 
Most of the population, by all reports, wants to improve their lot, and is more interested in power and water than in resistance. They are rioting when disappointed, not shooting. I think we have a good enough idea of what will stabilize the situation, if we can get there.

There may be more than one element in the resistance. But the pattern of resistance, centered in places with a high number of Saddam loyalists, suggest that the backbone is Ba'athis. I guess we will have to see.



To: cnyndwllr who wrote (446323)8/21/2003 5:17:46 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 769667
 
Bush Should Watch Out For Wesley Clark...

dailygusto.com

Wesley Clark is Karl Rove's worst nightmare

by Lowell Feld

Throughout its history, in times of war and in times of peace alike, America has turned to generals and other military men to serve as their president. Some, like George Washington and Dwight D. Eisenhower, turned out to be excellent in the job. Others -- Ulysses S. Grant, William Henry Harrison, Andrew Johnson -- are considered by most historians to have been miserable failures. In and of itself, therefore, being a general certainly does not guarantee that one will make a good president.

On the other hand, having little or no military experience doesn't necessarily make someone a bad president. Take Franklin Delano Roosevelt, for instance, one of our greatest war-time leaders, with no military background to speak of except for his service as Assistant Secretary of the Navy under Woodrow Wilson. Or, how about Ronald Reagan, also with minimal military experience -- he was stationed on the bloody Hollywood front during World War II -- who conservatives credit with having restored America to greatness and winning the Cold War?

The idea of electing a general, or a military man in general, as President of the United States has had an enduring popular appeal. Including America's first president, General George Washington, the United States has had 12 generals (including two who served in state militias), five colonels, three majors, four lieutenant commanders, three captains, four lieutenants, and one private as president. That's a total of 32 military veterans (31 officers) out of 36 Presidents, or nearly 90 percent of the total. Strikingly, every single president elected during the Cold War, a time of war and the constant threat of nuclear annihilation, had previously been an officer in the U.S. military. And now, after a decade of peace and prosperity, we are, de facto, at war again.

For Democratic presidential candidates in an era of war and terror, military experience may prove to be crucial, because for years now -- justifiably or not -- Democrats have been widely perceived as far weaker than Republicans on national security matters. In times of peace and tranquility, this might not have mattered very much. Bill Clinton, for instance, was elected in 1992 (and reelected in 1996) shortly after the Cold War ended, despite having dodged the draft in Vietnam. In times of war like the present, it's a different story.

It may be as much a matter of perception as reality, but after 9/11, in the midst of war (against terror, Iraq, and possibly North Korea and Iran) and economic tough times (unemployment 6.4 percent in June, its highest level since 1994), Americans today rightfully feel anxious and vulnerable. They crave security, both against being killed by terrorists as well as against losing their jobs, their pensions, and their health care. Today, Americans are yearning for a president who can protect and reassure them in these fundamental areas.

All this bad news is starting to show up in U.S. public opinion. According to the latest Ipsos-Reid/Cook Political Report (July 22-24), only 40% of Americans believe the country is on the "right track." This compares to a 70 percent "right track" response in December 2001, just three months after 9/11. And the latest Zogby poll (July 16-17) has President Bush's "favorability rating" down to 57 percent, from a high of 82 percent in April 2002, with only 47 percent of Americans now saying Bush is someone they "can trust" (Time/CNN Poll, July 16-17). Finally, for the first time since 9/11, according to Zogby (July 16-17) fewer Americans (46 percent) now say that Bush "deserves reelection" compared to those who say they would prefer "someone new" (47 percent).

President Bush appears politically vulnerable now, for the first time since 9/11. But, even if the polls are accurate, and Bush remains vulnerable through November 2004, how do the Democrats convince Americans that they are tough enough to deal with the challenges that lie ahead, that they offer a worthy alternative, that they have a plan and vision of their own? Even more crucially, in this time of war, terrorism, and economic anxiety, how do the Democrats dispose of their "wussiness" image and convince people they're up to the job of leading America?

Two possibilities spring to mind. First, the country could win the "war on terrorism" quickly and decisively, allowing it to return to its big 1990's party and to forget all about terrorism and threats from abroad. Unfortunately, the chances of this happening over the next 15 months are about as high as the current price of Enron stock. That leaves option number two: the Democrats get a backbone and a vision.

Unfortunately for the Democratic Party, it is unlikely that any of its current presidential candidates have this combination of backbone and vision: the sharp-tongued "Vermont Liberal" (Howard Dean); the aristocratic "Massachusetts Liberal" (John Kerry); the inexperienced, poll-driven, trial lawyer (John Edwards); the left-wing, pacifist flake (Dennis Kucinich); the totally unqualified rabble-rouser (Al Sharpton); the crowd of old guys with the charisma of cold Velveeta (Dick Gephardt, Joe Lieberman, Bob Graham); or the woman in search of an even semi-plausible rationale for being a presidential candidate (Carol Moseley Braun).

Let's be blunt here. After the carnage of 9/11, the only Democratic presidential candidate with a prayer in hell of beating George W. Bush in November 2004 is going to have to be irreproachable on military and national security matters. Being tough, smart, southern, mainstream, no-nonsense, distinguished-looking, and skilled on TV would be nice, too. Yeah, right, you say, good luck finding all that! Well, how about if we add that the person must have a vision for America, significant "real world" experience, and a heck of a lot more brain cells than George "Dubya" Bush?

Well, you say, call the election for George W. Bush right now, because nobody, certainly not a Democrat, could possibly be that great. Or could he? Well, cue the drum roll please, because now, ladies and gentlemen, we are pleased to introduce an Officer and a Gentleman, a man with a plan, a brain, and control over his zipper, your next president, General Wesley K. Clark! (wild applause)

All kidding aside, who is this guy, Wesley Clark, who for months now has been toying with throwing his hat in the presidential ring, sparring with Tim Russert on "Meet the Press," and accepting interviews with numerous leading newspapers and magazines? Aside from Clark's stellar resume -- Rhodes Scholar, first in his class at West Point, four-star general, wounded and highly decorated in Vietnam, former Supreme Commander of NATO forces in Europe during the successful Kosovo campaign -- what does he stand for exactly?

Let's start with domestic issues. On health care and education, Clark waxes rhapsodic that in the U.S. military, "everyone [gets] healthcare, and the army care[s] about the education of everyone's family members." Does this mean Clark would support some form of national health care and expanded educational opportunities for all? Sure sounds like it.

On two hot-button social issues, Clark's views are eclectic, and that's not necessarily a bad thing politically. On abortion, Clark is pro-choice, although he hasn't spoken much on this issue (strategically the less said, the better?). And on guns, Clark believes -- like Howard Dean, incidentally -- that gun ownership is mainly a local issue. In fact, Clark is a hunter, which may endear him to many in rural America.

On economic policy, Clark is a strong opponent of the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy because they "weren't fair." More broadly, Clark appears philosophically to be strongly in tune with the "Teddy Roosevelt Progressive" tradition, championing the principle that "the more [money] you make, the more you give" in both absolute and relative terms. But before anyone concludes that Wesley Clark is a "tax and spend liberal," it is important to note that Clark is a fiscal moderate who questions whether running long-term deficits is "wise, long-run policy."

On the environment, Clark has opposed drilling for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR), and has even articulated the visionary concept that "100 years out, the only things we leave behind that will matter are the environment and constitutional legitimacy." Imagine George W. Bush saying something like that? How about any U.S. president? Well, Teddy Roosevelt, whose face happens to be on Mount Rushmore, not only made statements like that, he acted on them.

In stark contrast to George W. Bush on foreign policy, Clark is a firm believer in the importance of cooperating with allies, having actually done so as Commander of NATO forces in Europe. Not surprisingly, then, Clark has criticized the Bush administration strongly for its bullheaded unilateralism and utter ineptitude in working with U.S. allies in Europe and elsewhere. In September 2002, for instance, Clark wrote in "Washington Monthly" that Bush's failure to work with our allies, NATO in particular, means that "we are fighting the war on terrorism with one hand tied behind our back."

On homeland security, Clark is certainly a patriot who believes in protecting our country, having taken a few bullets himself, but he also, unlike Bush, is wise enough to treasure the values upon which this country was founded. Clark is skeptical and suspicious, therefore, of shortsighted, Orwellian measures enacted in the name of national security, like the Patriot Act. Specifically Clark worries that we're "giving up some of the essentials of what it is in America to have justice, liberty and the rule of law."

So, there you have it: Wesley Clark is a political moderate, a war hero, a smart-as-hell, telegenic, electable Southerner with "General" for a first name and a vision for America. Another way of looking at Clark is that he's potentially Bill Clinton in all the good ways (smart, centrist, and charismatic), but without Clinton's problems (wine, women, and bad sax playing). And the four stars on each of Clark's shoulders stand in stark contrast to George W. Bush, who went AWOL from his National Guard duty. Can we start the Presidential debates right now?

One problem, though: although Clark has hinted broadly at his interest in running, he has not yet declared formally that he is running for President. How to rectify this situation? Enter the large, energetic, and vocal "Draft Clark" movement that has sprung up across the country in just the past few months. As John Hlinko, founder of DraftWesleyClark.com and one of the top leaders in the nationwide effort to "draft the General," puts it, "[General Clark] is the kind of guy who we were promised, as kids, could be a president. And now, with our nudging, he might be."

Overstatement? Maybe, but without even having entered the race, Clark has attracted a loyal group of supporters. At the July 7 Draft Clark "Meetup" held in Washington DC, just one of the many cities hosting these meetings, dozens of Clark supporters expressed their strong desire to replace George W. Bush, while describing Clark as "intellectually gifted," with a "plan and a vision," who "knows how to work with -- not alienate -- our allies," while "not preying on people's fears." They also believe he "can cut through the whole 'Red America/Blue America' divide," and -- last but not least -- beat Bush.

If Clark does decide to run, we can just imagine the thoughts that might go through White House political guru Karl Rove's brain as he tries to sleep, tossing and turning: "No, not a 2004 match-up of a war hero, four-star General from the South against my guy -- AWOL "pilot" George Dubya! My God, I can see Clark pounding Bush relentlessly in the final presidential debate on what were supposed to be George's strong points-foreign policy and homeland security! Uh oh, now we're onto economic issues, and Bush is floundering, sinking fast. And now it's election night, and Clark is winning all the "blue" states that Al Gore won in 2000, plus some "red" states too-including his home state of Arkansas. And, horror of horrors, Fox News just called Florida, and the election, for Clark by a landslide, with no chads or recounts this time. As Rove wakes up in a cold sweat, and as we leave his brain forever, we hear him muttering, "What a nightmare! what was that about?"

Well, Karl, it's about the threat General Wesley Clark poses to your candidate's reelection chances. It's also about the potential for a veritable epidemic of cold-sweat syndrome breaking out amongst Republican politicians and political consultants all over America. To put it bluntly, Clark could kick George W. Bush's butt in 2004. Regarding a Bush-Clark matchup in 2004, and paraphrasing the immortal words of that "straight shootin' Texan," George W. Bush himself: "Bring It On!"

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



To: cnyndwllr who wrote (446323)8/21/2003 5:40:17 PM
From: Ish  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
<<There is a growing body of opinion that the resistance is from several groups.>>

No kidding? In the Mideast it seems like every third person starts an Islamic terrorist group and all want a piece of the action. A bus full of Jews blows up and 19 groups claim success.



To: cnyndwllr who wrote (446323)8/22/2003 9:23:33 PM
From: Bilow  Read Replies (5) | Respond to of 769667
 
Hi cnyndwllr; Re: "I know the violence that fear breeds."

I've always felt that the phrase "shots fired in anger" was rather inaccurate, and would be better written as "shots fired in fear", as fear is the dominant emotion felt by every sane person anywhere near a battle.

-- Carl



To: cnyndwllr who wrote (446323)8/23/2003 2:51:22 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
Dissolving Iraqi Army Was Costly Choice
____________________________________________

The masses of enlisted men could have been used for reconstruction and security. Now the U.S. faces terrorism and building a new force.

By Mark Fineman, Warren Vieth and Robin Wright

LA Times Staff Writers

August 24, 2003

WASHINGTON -- U.S. civil administrator L. Paul Bremer III had been on the job in Baghdad less than two weeks when he announced a decision that sent shockwaves through Iraqi society.

With a stroke of the pen, Bremer dissolved Iraq's vast armed services, sending pink slips to more than 400,000 armed officers and enlisted men whose light resistance had helped secure the U.S.-led military victory against their government.

It was a decision that went against the advice of U.S. experts and exiled Iraqi military officers who had spent months preparing detailed plans for the Bush administration that called for giving the Iraqi army a key role in winning the peace.

Now, many Iraqis believe, the cost of that decision is becoming painfully clear. U.S. troops and occupation officials are struggling to go it alone in defending themselves and Iraq against daily attacks by armed opponents, who are blowing up water mains, oil pipelines, electric towers, military convoys and, in recent days, the Jordanian embassy and the U.N. headquarters in Baghdad.

Some experts believe Bremer's May 23 edict may even have provided recruits for the insurgency by alienating trained officers and enlisted men who were enraged by the decree. One administration official suggested last week that former senior officers may even be "directing" the attacks.

At the same time, Pentagon leaders are calling for Iraqis to take a greater role in defending their country against attacks. They are scrambling to build a new Iraqi army from scratch — while most of the old army sits at home collecting stipends of $50 to $150 a month.

"Instead of us using these personnel against terrorism, terrorists are using them against us," said former Iraqi special forces Maj. Mohammed Faour, who helped lead a group of exiles who consulted in the administration's early postwar military planning.

"This is a tragedy. We could use these people. They are military people. They are professionals. They are used to obeying orders. They need money. They need the lives they had before."

In defending the decision, Bremer, his top aides and administration officials in Washington said the army had dissolved itself and there was no Iraqi military left to rebuild. They added that the decision — made at "very high policy levels" in Washington — also was meant as a "highly symbolic" message that the old regime was dead.

"By the time the conflict was over, that army, so-called, didn't exist anymore. There was nothing to disband," Bremer said in a recent interview. The ranks of top officers, he added, "had been in the army so long they were essentially not going to be re-treadable into the new army."

Some Iraqis find that explanation disingenuous. Tens of thousands of soldiers who went home rather than fight did so because the American forces urged them to, with weeks of leafleting that admonished them not to fight.

In the weeks before Bremer issued his decree, Iraqi officers were telling anyone who would listen — from visiting exiles to foreign journalists to U.S. military officials — that they were simply waiting for the Americans to order them back to their barracks.

Bremer's decree appeared to reverse course from the path chosen by his predecessor, retired Lt. Gen. Jay Garner, whose original post-battle plan incorporated much of the nation-rebuilding role the exiles envisioned for Iraq's defeated armed forces.

Some also believe the decision has contributed to escalating violence in Iraq. Those suspicions were fueled by evidence that last week's U.N. bomb was cobbled together from Soviet military munitions, a mainstay of Saddam Hussein's army.

Indeed, shortly after the bombing, senior coalition official and former New York City Police Commissioner Bernard Kerik was quoted as saying authorities would not rule out former Iraqi military involvement in the blast, which left at least 20 dead.

"It was an atrocious decision" to disband the army, said Feisal Istrabadi, a Chicago attorney who participated in a State Department project dubbed Future of Iraq.

"I don't understand why you take 400,000 men who were lightly armed and trained, and turn them into your enemies. Particularly when these are people who didn't fight."

Some postwar planners flatly reject Bremer's claim that the armed forces could not be restored. Soon after Bremer's order, his aides had lists of their names to give them severance pay.

"It would have been so easy to declare that the Iraqi army, what's left of the regular army, should reassemble in its barracks in order to get their monthly salaries," Faour said, adding that eight to 10 former Iraqi officers in Baghdad told him in early May that they were ready and willing to work for the Americans.

"You can't put half a million people with families and weapons and a monthly salary on the dole. You can't do this in any country. They'll turn against you."

Administration officials in Washington insist that even if the Iraqi army hadn't dissolved itself, it would have taken months for occupying forces to determine which officers and enlisted men could be trusted. An estimated 9,000 officers, for example, were members of Hussein's Baath Party, whose top ranks Bremer barred from government jobs.

"The army was the main instrument of repression by Saddam Hussein," one of those officials said. "If we had allowed the army to continue in its present form, we would be losing hearts and minds right now."

Dismantling Iraq's armed forces along with the government ban on Baathists also were top agenda items for influential conservative advisors in Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld's office.

"There was also a sense of, 'We'll make sure they never have a chance to do this again,' " recalled one U.S. official in Baghdad. "People very quickly realized this was wrong. Even the U.S. military reminded us that we won because the [Iraqi] military didn't fight."

Gutting what was once the most powerful Arab army on their doorstep was also a priority for Israel's generals, who routinely visited the Defense secretary's Special Plans Office as it developed plans for postwar Iraq.

It was also endorsed by Iraqi exile leader Ahmad Chalabi, a Pentagon favorite to lead an interim Iraqi government.

Administration officials close to the planning insisted that no such agenda was behind the decision.

"This is not a neoconservative agenda," one administration official said, asking not to be identified. "These are decisions that were made at very high levels of the government and backed by Bremer. In the end, they will bear fruit.... If we didn't dissolve the German army or the SS after World War II, where would we be today?"

Whatever the origins of the decision, it came despite volumes of contrary advice. Those recommendations, included in official postwar planning reports obtained by The Times, anticipated much of what has happened in Iraq since.

For example, the 18 members of the Defense Policy and Institutions working group of the Future of Iraq project foresaw the problems that could occur if Hussein's military was abruptly disbanded.

In documents circulated through the Pentagon and State Department, the working group urged U.S. officials to incorporate career soldiers and officers in Iraq's new armed services.

"More than 80% of the military were not die-hard Saddam-ites," said one diplomatic source who was in Baghdad at the time.

Among the recommendations offered by members of the Future of Iraq defense working group, according to their documents:

Iraq's approximately 100,000 career soldiers should form the nucleus of a new, defensive military force removed from political activities. (In addition to the careerists, Iraq had more than 300,000 involuntary conscripts.)

The framework of the Republican Guard should be retained, and most of its personnel transferred to a new Iraqi army, after screening to remove Saddam loyalists.

Special forces brigades should be reorganized as peacekeeping forces and participate in the war against terrorism and drug-smuggling.

Military intelligence units should assist American forces with security and reconnaissance of terrorist organizations and hostile regimes.

Former military personnel should be redeployed to assist in disaster situations such as floods and earthquakes and to participate in major agricultural and construction projects.

A special police force consisting of Iraqi military and coalition personnel should be formed to maintain security and protect Iraqi institutions and infrastructure, such as the oil pipelines now targeted by insurgents.

The goal was to incorporate the military into civilian society and to use it as a vehicle for Iraq's reconstruction.

The recommendations dovetailed with other reports that independently reached similar conclusions.

Ahmed Hashim, a professor at the U.S. Naval War College in Rhode Island and an expert on the Iraqi military, had drafted a detailed analysis on the need to purge, yet protect, the Iraqi military as an institution.

He had briefed postwar planners at Washington's National Defense University, which is run by the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

"I argued the army needed to be made smaller and based on the best of the regular army divisions.... And then I said the demobilized men immediately need to be given some kind of work, to ensure they don't become partisans or members of organized crime," Hashim said in a recent interview.

At his first news conference on March 11, Garner declared his intention to use the regular army to "help rebuild their own country" and "not to demobilize it immediately and put a lot of unemployed people on the street."

"We'd continue to pay them," Garner told reporters, "to do things like engineering, road construction, work on bridges, remove rubble, de-mine, pick up unexploded ordnance, construction work."

But those plans evaporated along with the army, asserted Walter Slocombe, Bremer's senior advisor on military affairs in Baghdad.

"The Iraqi army disbanded itself, or with a certain amount of encouragement from coalition forces. And by what, April 15 or whatever, there was simply no organized unit," Slocombe recalled in a recent interview in Baghdad.

Of the various recommendations for using the army, he said, "they were thrown aside in the sense that it was evident there was no subject there to work with."

But that nonexistent army suddenly materialized by the tens of thousands in the streets of Baghdad almost before the ink was dry on the decree to disband it.

"Dissolving the Iraqi army is a humiliation to the dignity of the nation," declared one of the many banners borne by the thousands of former Iraqi soldiers and officers who began gathering almost daily outside the gates of the occupation headquarters.

Bombarded by such dissent, Garner's successor, Bremer, adjusted his course, promising to pay the disbanded military additional stipends and invite some members to join the New Iraqi Corps — but no one above the rank of lieutenant colonel.

"We had concluded talking to Iraqis, both in and out of the military, that people above the level of lieutenant colonel, because they had been in the army for so long, were essentially not going to be re-treadable into the new army," Bremer said. "We had to create an entirely new institution."

The first 500 recruits started training in Kirkuk this month, helping to build a force that will total just 12,000 by the end of the year and 40,000 by the end of 2004. Bremer's aides also are building a new civil defense force, training a core group of 2,300 that will "put an Iraqi face" on the hunt for Baathists, officials said.

Meanwhile, officers sweating in endless lines to collect their stipends have been warning of revenge for months.

"My colleagues and I sweated in the heat and we did not get a thing," said Salah Lami, who gave up after nine hours in line earlier this month.

"Iraqis by nature are very patient, but patience has its limits. When they run out of patience, it is going to be very hard on us and very hard on the Americans."

For Faour, the former intelligence officer, it's not too late to undo the damage.

"We still have time. The people are still there. They can still start, from now, working on establishing security forces from these people....This would be very positive for them now, to start gathering the people instead of losing them."
_______________

Times staff writers Alissa J. Rubin and John Daniszewski in Baghdad contributed to this report.

latimes.com