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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (5637)8/21/2003 9:24:01 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793848
 
Trudeau's Doonesbury cartoons.

Never miss him, John. I finish the "Washington Post" every night, (your morning,) with about 13 of their comic strips. "Non Sequitur" is my favorite.



To: JohnM who wrote (5637)8/22/2003 1:50:42 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793848
 
A "Green" in the Gov leaked the draft to the NYT. Now the screaming starts. The best move for Bush is to publish the new regulation, take the lumps, and figure it will have died down by the election.

Draft of Air Rule Is Said to Exempt Many Old Plants
By KATHARINE Q. SEELYE - NEW YORK TIMES

WASHINGTON, Aug. 21 - After more than two years of internal deliberation and intense pressure from industry, the Bush administration has settled on a regulation that would allow thousands of older power plants, oil refineries and industrial units to make extensive upgrades without having to install new anti-pollution devices, according to those involved in the deliberations.

The new rule, a draft of which was made available to The New York Times by the Natural Resources Defense Council, an environmental group, would constitute a sweeping and cost-saving victory for industries, exempting thousands of indus trial plants and refineries from part of the Clean Air Act. The acting administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency could sign the new rule as soon as next week, administration officials have told utility representatives.

The exemption would let industrial plants continue to emit hundreds of thousands of tons of pollutants into the atmosphere and could save the companies millions, if not billions, of dollars in pollution equipment costs, even if they increase the amounts of pollutants they emit.

The action could also spare Gov. Michael O. Leavitt of Utah, if he is confirmed as the new E.P.A. administrator, from having to make a decision on a highly contentious issue.

The current rule requires plant owners to install pollution-control devices if they undertake anything more than "routine maintenance" on their plants. Industries have long argued that the standard is too vague and hinders substantial investment in cleaner, more efficient equipment.

The new rule says that as much as 20 percent of the cost of replacing a plant's essential production equipment ? a boiler, generator or turbine ? could be spent and the owner would still be exempt from installing any pollution controls, according to people involved in the deliberations.

Together, such equipment can cost hundreds of millions of dollars, sometimes more than $1 billion, to replace. A utility or factory could thus make tens of millions of dollars worth of improvements without being required to install pollution controls.

At the end of last year, the administration proposed that the current standards be eased, saying that the threshhold for requiring pollution control devices could be anywhere from nothing to 50 percent of the cost of replacing major equipment. Members of Congress protested that the public could not meaningfully comment on such a range, and 225,000 people objected to the rule before the comment period ended on May 31, according to John Walke of the Natural Resources Defense Council.

Only in the last few weeks have officials settled on the 20 percent figure, which had been a closely held secret within the administration. The draft of the new rule, in fact, describes the point at which pollution-control devices must be installed only as "X percent," but officials and several others in contact with those who wrote the rule said that the level was 20 percent, though they warned that the percentage could change before being made final.

Officials said that Marianne Horinko, the acting administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, would probably sign the rule before Labor Day. It would go into effect shortly thereafter, without further review or public comment.

The only way to stop it would be through court action, which critics of the new rule are threatening.

Eliot Spitzer, the attorney general of New York, said he would file a challenge to the new rule as soon as it was signed.

"A rule that creates a 20 percent threshold eviscerates the statute," he said of the Clean Air Act. "This makes it patently clear that the Bush administration has meant all along to repeal the Clean Air Act by administrative fiat."

Administration officials, including Ms. Horinko, declined to comment. Jarrod Agen, a spokesman for the E.P.A., said that officials could not comment because the matter was still under review. "But I can say that we are working on this final rule," he said, adding that it would "encourage facilities to improve their efficiency, reliability and safety."

Spokesmen for industry groups reacted positively to the new rule. Scott Segal, executive director of the Electric Reliability Coordinating Council, representing utilities, said that industries would appreciate having a "bright line." He said that the 20 percent, though he did not know precisely how it would be calculated, "is not an unreasonable number."

Mr. Walke of the Natural Resources Defense Council called the 20 percent standard "a grotesque accounting gimmick" that would "let companies completely overhaul their plants over time and spew even more pollution than now."

Clarifying the rule ? and making it more lenient ? has been a central goal of industry for more than a decade, and the administration has been reviewing it since President Bush came into office more than two years ago.

While industry ? and many of Mr. Bush's political and financial backers ? have supported a broad exemption like 20 percent, many state and local officials, including Governor Leavitt's director of air quality in Utah, have strongly opposed the concept.

Governor Leavitt is still likely to encounter harsh criticism on the matter during his confirmation hearings, which are expected to begin shortly after Congress returns from its summer recess on Sept. 2. Democrats have indicated they plan to challenge him to defend the rule, which would put him in opposition to his own state's air experts.

Determining when a plant must install pollution-control devices has been one of the thorniest and most controversial environmental decisions facing the Bush administration.

The new rule also appears to run counter to the stance the administration has taken in several lawsuits against polluters across the country, trying to enforce more rigorous standards under the Clean Air Act.

The Justice Department during the Clinton administration initiated lawsuits against dozens of oil refineries and about 50 coal-fired power plants for their failures to install pollution controls under the requirement of routine maintenance.

The Justice Department during the Bush administration has continued to prosecute those cases, but only after an internal dispute.

Oil, coal and electric companies had lobbied the administration to drop the suits; Christie Whitman, the former E.P.A. administrator, resisted. As a result, Vice President Dick Cheney's energy task force directed the Justice Department to analyze whether to continue the suits. In January 2002, the department decided to do so.

And in a striking counterpoint to the administration's new rule, the department won a landmark victory two weeks ago in federal court against an Ohio Edison plant in Jefferson County, Ohio.

That decision, which found that Ohio Edison violated the Clean Air Act when it failed to install pollution controls, could set a precedent for the other cases and puts the administration on a collision course with itself because of its new rule.

Senator James M. Jeffords, the Vermont independent who is the ranking minority member of the Environment and Public Works Committee, called the new rule "just one more flagrant violation of the Clean Air Act and every court's opinion on this matter." He added: "Its publication will amount to malfeasance."

Mr. Cheney's energy task force also directed the E.P.A. to review the regulations regarding routine maintenance and report to Mr. Bush within 90 days. That deadline slipped repeatedly as the administration mulled how to respond.

The current trigger point of "routine maintenance" was set by Congress in a 1977 amendment to the Clean Air Act. The idea was to avoid shutting at once all plants that might be in violation of the Clean Air Act.

Instead, Congress said, when old plants were refurbished, they had to add the best available air-pollution control equipment. The amendment became known as "new source review" because it required review when a plant added new power sources that could raise emissions.

During the preparation of its report on energy policy, Mr. Cheney's task force was visited often by officials from several industry groups and companies seeking to alter the new source provisions.

According to documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act by the Natural Resources Defense Council, those visitors included officials from the Edison Electric Institute, the North American Electric Reliability Council, the National Mining Association, the American Petroleum Institute and the Southern Company.
nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (5637)8/22/2003 4:56:09 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793848
 
GOP still hopes to woo Teamsters

August 21, 2003

BY ROBERT NOVAK SUN-TIMES COLUMNIST

When the International Brotherhood of Teamsters endorsed Democrat Richard Gephardt Aug. 9, did that mean years of courtship by Republicans were in vain? President Bush's political operatives don't think so. Nor does Teamsters President James P. Hoffa's inner circle.

No realist could imagine the Teamsters Union not endorsing Gephardt, who attended law school with Hoffa and has gone down the line for the union's full agenda. Bush political adviser Karl Rove is above all realistic, and he has been playing the Teamsters card as a future prospect in the event Gephardt loses the nomination. Both the Bush and Hoffa camps think at least neutrality and even a Bush endorsement is possible if Gephardt is not nominated.

The AFL-CIO's failure at its recent Chicago meeting to endorse Gephardt as the clearly most pro-union candidate betrays political disarray in the labor movement. AFL-CIO President John Sweeney's regime is compared within labor to the ineffectiveness of predecessor George Meany's closing years. Inability to maintain a common front diminishes chances of keeping George W. Bush from a second term.

Bush and organized labor look like oil and water. One Teamsters agent says talking to his assigned contact at the White House is like facing a television set with the sound turned off. Contacts between the White House and Teamsters headquarters on Capitol Hill have become less frequent.

Not everybody inside the Teamsters favors the Hoffa-Bush detente. The Republican president and the union leader clash on key Teamsters issues of NAFTA, fast-track trade agreements and Mexican long-distance trucking. Nor have the Teamsters gotten what they want most: to end the U.S. government's monitoring of the giant union under a consent decree.

The story has circulated through Teamsters ranks of how weeks ago Hoffa mentioned the consent decree to Bush, and the president replied: ''I thought we took care of it.'' But this issue is in the hands of James B. Comey Jr., U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York, and even the leader of the free world would interfere with the legal process at his own peril.

Actually, negotiations with Comey to end the consent decree are in progress. Hoffa, too, is a realist and not unhappy over the progress. The big questions for him are whether Gephardt wins the Democratic nomination and what role labor plays in the picture. The AFL-CIO outlook has not been pretty.

The obstacles still confronting Gephardt's efforts to get the two-thirds union support needed for an AFL-CIO endorsement have been two bitterly feuding labor barons: Gerald McIntee of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees and Andrew Stern of the Service Employees International Union. McIntee backs Sen. John Kerry, and Stern leans toward Howard Dean.

Gephardt strategists still have hopes for the SEIU, as well as the United Auto Workers and the United Food and Commercial Workers. However, the UAW's Ron Gettelfinger is much less political than his predecessors. The UFCW's Doug Dority is closely tied to John Sweeney.

According to Gephardt campaign sources, Sweeney personally asked the congressman not to press labor to support him. Gephardt was at a loss of how to answer. Union backing is essential if he is to win the Iowa caucuses and escape instant early elimination.

At the Chicago meeting, Gephardt faced not only Sweeney's neutrality but a campaign against him by Dean's presidential campaign. Working the meeting for the former Vermont governor was Bob Mullenkamp, who had been an aide to former Teamsters president Ron Carey and is detested by the Hoffa regime. His wife is Karen Ackerman, whose position as AFL-CIO political director is being challenged as a conflict of interest.

When Sweeney replaced Lane Kirkland in 1995, his intent was to make organized labor an engine for the Democrats. After eight years of failure, the labor movement faces the possibility of Hoffa's Teamsters being benevolently neutral toward or even in support of the Republican president.

Copyright © The Sun-Times Company
All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.



To: JohnM who wrote (5637)8/22/2003 5:46:33 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793848
 
Interesting History of reporters and the Military.

IRAQ:
Journalists and War

Jeffrey C. Bliss

Sidebar to "The Press Goes to War"

Jeffrey C. Bliss is an associate director at the Hoover Institution.

Main Article: "The Press Goes to War"

Depending on whose view you share, having the media involved in military matters can be problematic or beneficial. History, ancient and modern, is replete with battlefield accounts of bravery and cowardice as well as foolishness and brilliance. To be sure, most leaders have understood the importance of putting a good face on their military deeds: Myths needed building, empires needed strengthening, elections needed winning, and armies and armadas needed treasure and public support so that they could keep on marching and sailing. To do all that, stories had to be told.

Although satellite phones, laptop computers, and advanced telecommunication technologies now make it possible to report wars in real time from far-flung locations, the idea of ?embedded? reporters is nothing new. According to noted historian and Hoover Institution senior fellow Victor Davis Hanson, the idea of reporters traveling with the military dates back to the Peloponnesian War.

"The closest we have to modern embedded reporters are ex-military men like Thucydides or Xenophon who were exiled and then "attached" themselves to both friendly and hostile forces," he says. "The result is that we have a wonderful blow-by-blow description by Thucydides of the Battle of Mantinea (418 b.c.) and by Xenophon of Coronea (394 b.c.). What is similar to our own generation of reporters is the level of detail and poignancy. What is clearly different is that they were veterans and so took the occasions to explain to their readers larger tactical issues. And they were, of course, historians, unlike our own journalists."

According to Hanson, having the standing of historians gave their accounts greater perspective and credibility. In today's world of 24-hour news cycles and overnight ratings, readers and viewers are ill served by a constant drive for more, not necessarily better, information. "Given today's training of journalists, and the fact that a Geraldo Rivera or Ashley Banfield will just as likely be reporting on a murder case in Modesto, California, a few hours later, we just don?t have military historians who report on battles that they have witnessed."

Recent Tensions

Jumping ahead two millennia, civilians were still following armies and navies into battle, putting pen to paper and translating action into words. Journalism had taken form, and the public eagerly devoured newspaper accounts of war, foreign and domestic. America's experiences with military-press relations, however, have been tension filled, foreshadowing a legacy of mutual distrust that exists today. The following highlights present a brief glimpse of their relations during the wars leading up to the Vietnam conflict.

During the Revolutionary War, General George Washington fretted about how he and his troops could conduct business if colonial newspapers loyal to the crown undermined their efforts. Sympathetic newspapers that were more eager to sell stories about Continental Army movements than they were about keeping secrets equally vexed him.

Throughout the Civil War, tensions between the two establishments increased. Union general William Tecumseh Sherman placed the blame for the loss at the battle of Bull Run squarely on the shoulders of newspapers in New York and Washington, D.C., which published battle plans for all to read?prior to the battle . President Abraham Lincoln later issued a warning to the more than 500 reporters embedded with Union troops: Spill the beans and risk military justice. Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton actually went so far as to seize newspapers for being too informative in reporting information about the military.

Journalism, notably "yellow journalism" such as the type promulgated by William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer, has long been credited with helping propel the United States into the Spanish-American War of 1898. Reports of supposed Spanish atrocities, stories rallying popular support for the Cuban Revolution, and the outcry over incidents such as the sinking of the battleship Maine led to a war that had American forces ranging far from American shores.

During World War I, anti-espionage and sedition laws greatly curtailed the ability of journalists to report on events. Access was severely limited, perhaps to the greatest extent in U.S. military history, and military officials viewed reporters suspiciously. For many, the Fourth Estate wasn't that far from the Fifth Column. The government censored reports and produced propaganda.

During World War II, which is still considered the high-water mark for modern war reporting, journalists reported from every theater. Censorship was part and parcel of the experience, but the trade-off was almost unlimited access. Tensions arose from time to time, particularly over criticisms leveled at esteemed leaders such as Generals Dwight D. Eisenhower and George S. Patton. Eisenhower, in particular, understood that the "personal touch" would go a long way toward easing tensions between the military and the press. His efforts to cultivate reporters paid handsome dividends for the Allied commander during the war and later as a presidential candidate.

Five years after the end of World War II, North Korea's attack on its southern neighbor caught the world off guard, including the press. In the confusion that marked the war?s early days, fingers were unjustifiably pointed at an uncensored press, often accused of giving away information to the enemy, as the source of many United Nations forces'troubles. Eventually, General Douglas MacArthur, supreme commander of U.N. forces in Korea, imposed censorship. Among those subjects covered by his edicts: absolutely no criticism of his leadership.

Measured against History

So what does all the tension, grief, accomplishment, and failure of modern U.S. military-media relations add up to when measured against previous history?

"The telecommunications revolution has given us wonderful pictures and real-time descriptions, but the skills to master such a craft, personal appearance, glibness, energy, perseverance'are not necessarily those conducive to analysis," Hanson says. "Few write well or talk carefully, much less have any historical perspective. I don't see any Thucydides among our journalists or commentators."


www-hoover.stanford.edu