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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (5647)8/21/2003 11:12:59 PM
From: calgal  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793677
 
JOHN FUND'S POLITICAL DIARY
The Power of the Pledge
Merely saying "no" to tax hikes isn't enough.
Thursday, August 21, 2003 12:01 a.m. EDT

Arnold Schwarzenegger has moved to quiet grumbling on the right. He showed he can think quickly on his feet and that he will run as an economic conservative. Yesterday he summed up his position by saying: "The politicians have overspent, overtaxed and overregulated." And on Friday, he will finally break out of his comfortable Los Angeles cocoon and begin door-to-door campaigning.

But lingering questions remain. Mr. Schwarzenegger gave a firm answer on whether he would raise taxes: "Does this mean I am willing to raise taxes. No." But then he brushed aside the notion of taking a pledge to not sign a state budget that included a net tax increase. Mr. Schwarzenegger said he had learned "never to say never" and there's always a chance that a terrorist attack might create unusual budget demands.

That glib answer will not satisfy some conservatives, who have seen too many candidates proclaim opposition to higher taxes only raise taxes once in office as a "last resort," once they realized how hard it is to cut spending.

Steve Moore, president of the free-market Club for Growth, said he is "quite enthusiastic" about Mr. Schwarzenegger's economic agenda, including his call for litigation reform and reducing undue burdens on business. "The one caveat I have is that he is shying away from a pledge not to raise taxes. That would close the circle with economic conservatives." Americans for Tax Reform started the antitax pledge in 1986 and it has since become a requirement for any candidate who claims to favor smaller government. Today, 90% of House Republicans and 80% of Senate Republicans have taken the pledge. So has George W. Bush. The other two serious Republicans in the race, Tom McClintock and Bill Simon, have taken the antitax pledge. Mr. Schwarzenegger will be the odd man out, if he doesn't move to address the pledge issue.

Grover Norquist, the head of ATR, says he has heard every excuse imaginable from candidates who don't want to take the pledge. Conservatives shouldn't listen to any of them, he says. As for Arnold's terrorism excuse, it's bogus too. If there was a terrorist attack, the federal government would almost certainly pick up the tab, as it did after the Sept. 11 attacks.

"The disaster argument doesn't track because if something horrible happens and leaves the state's residents poorer it makes no sense to increase their misery by raising taxes," Mr. Norquist said. "It is the economic equivalent of putting leeches on a patient that is hemorrhaging. It will only hurt."

Mr. Schwarzenegger already has allowed himself some running room. If elected, he's promised to issue an executive order repealing Gray Davis's tripling of car registration fees. That would give Mr. Schwarzenegger some negotiating room on the tax issue with the overwhelmingly Democratic legislature. By cutting car registration fees, he could increase other taxes and still keep the antitax pledge.

California's overspending has been so egregious, former state assembly Republican leader Bob Naylor said, that a new Republican governor would likely have only a few options. He could take a budget plan--that includes spending cuts--directly to the people in a referendum. Or, a new governor could cut a deal with the Democrats who control the legislature. That deal could impose an increase in the sales tax (sunsetted after, say, three years) as well as cut spending. But it would also have to include litigation and worker's compensation reform as well as future tax cuts.

Conservative budget analysts say that deal could be constructed so as not to violate the American for Tax Reform pledge--all that would be required is to, say, include cuts in the state's marginal income tax rates in years four to seven. "The key is that there not be a net increase in the overall burden of taxation," says Mr. Norquist. "If Mr. Schwarzenegger means it when he says Californians are overtaxed, then he must not increase their overall tax burden. Anything else will encourage the legislature to stall and wait for a new governor to buckle on that overarching issue."

Mr. Schwarzenegger already has shown his willingness to play hardball with the legislature. Yesterday, he promised to call a special legislative session to address the state's antibusiness political environment. He has also told friends that if the legislature balked on his budget proposals--without offering anything constructive--he would visit the districts of key legislators. There, the Terminator would turn up the political heat by holding rallies in support of his budget. He could even hold fundraisers for opponents to run against offending legislators."For the first few months the legislature will be scared to death of him," says Mr. Naylor. "So he has to move quickly." Taking the antitax pledge may be particularly smart politics. Some Democrats almost certainly will push for tax increases as a way to undermine the new governor's connection with voters. Signing the pledge now would give Mr. Schwarzenegger the upper hand by giving his antitax stand a mandate from the people. "There is very little pressure on people who take the antitax pledge if liberals believe the signer means it," Mr. Norquist said. "If they don't sign, the pressure is often unbearable."

URL:http://www.opinionjournal.com/diary/?id=110003913



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (5647)8/22/2003 4:49:52 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793677
 
They did make the recess appointment

Pipes Doesn't Pander
President Bush appoints one of his critics to the U.S. Institute of Peace.
by Katherine Mangu-Ward
[The Weekly Standard]

DANIEL PIPES , a prominent scholar of Islam and Middle East politics, is giving the administration heartburn, but he'll have a seat on the board of the U.S. Institute of Peace before the Senate gets back after Labor Day.

After the White House announced Pipes's nomination to the Institute of Peace, it was surprised to find that, in addition to the expected full-throated opposition from Democrats (most notably Ted Kennedy, Tom Harkin, and Chris Dodd), several Republicans threatened to flake out on the confirmation vote. This prompted the administration's decision to install Pipes during the August recess in order to circumvent the Senate.

Pipes's refusal to back away from radical positions has earned him a respectable cast of enemies. First among them is the Council on American Islamic Relations , a Muslim advocacy group which has expressed support for terrorists. Kennedy, Harkin, Dodd, and others (not a bad list of enemies in their own right) have signed on to CAIR's efforts to block the appointment.

Fortunately, Pipes enjoys strong support from Karl Rove, Elliott Abrams, and Condoleezza Rice--he even got the nod from Colin Powell. He is undoubtedly "controversial," as opponents of his appointment claim, and even administration officials acknowledge that "he goes overboard occasionally."

But the White House will stick with Pipes, even though the appointment process has been difficult. Muslim advocates and lefty Democrats have done their share to make trouble, but Pipes isn't going out of his way to make the process easier--or to guarantee the administration's continued support.

"When it comes to the Saudi-American relationship, the White House should be called the 'White Tent'," wrote Pipes in the Winter 2002/2003 issue of the National Interest.

Two weeks ago, Pipes wrote in the Jerusalem Post: "Two of [CAIR's] former employees, Bassem Khafagi and Ismail Royer, have recently been arrested on charges related to terrorism . . . Despite this ugly record, the U.S. government widely accepts CAIR as representing Islam. Nationally, the White House invites it to functions."

In fact, Pipes regularly impugns the White House's guest lists. In November 2002 he wrote: "The White House would not consider inviting Baghdad's apologists to festive functions. But it welcomed many of militant Islam's sympathizers at a Ramadan dinner hosted by the president earlier this month."

So why would the White House go to all this trouble for someone who hasn't been particularly friendly?

Pipes has often hinted, suggested, and even said outright that the Bush administration is overly beholden to Muslims and the interest groups that claim to represent them. His appointment to the U.S. Institute of Peace over serious opposition from those very groups, and in the face of his refusal to moderate his message, speaks volumes about just how little pandering the administration is planning on in the near future.

Katherine Mangu-Ward is a reporter at The Weekly Standard.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (5647)8/22/2003 5:22:34 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793677
 
Speaking of Pipes

The Refugee Curse

by Daniel Pipes
New York Post
August 19, 2003

Here's a puzzle: How do Palestinian refugees differ from the other 135 million 20th-century refugees?

Answer: In every other instance, the pain of dispossession, statelessness, and poverty has diminished over time. Refugees eventually either resettled, returned home or died. Their children - whether living in South Korea, Vietnam, Pakistan, Israel, Turkey, Germany or the United States - then shed the refugee status and joined the mainstream.

Not so the Palestinians. For them, the refugee status continues from one generation to the next, creating an ever-larger pool of anguish and discontent.

Several factors explain this anomaly but one key component - of all things - is the United Nations' bureaucratic structure. It contains two organizations focused on refugee affairs, each with its own definition of "refugee":

* The U.N. High Commission for Refugees applies this term worldwide to someone who, "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted . . . is outside the country of his nationality." Being outside the country of his nationality implies that descendants of refugees are not refugees. Cubans who flee the Castro regime are refugees, but not so their Florida-born children who lack Cuban nationality. Afghans who flee their homeland are refugees, but not their Iranian-born children. And so on.
* The U.N. Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), an organization set up uniquely for Palestinian refugees in 1949, defines Palestinian refugees differently from all other refugees. They are persons who lived in Palestine "between June 1946 and May 1948, who lost both their homes and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict." Especially important is that UNRWA extends the refugee status to "the descendants of persons who became refugees in 1948." It even considers the children of just one Palestinian refugee parent to be refugees.

The High Commission's definition causes refugee populations to vanish over time; UNRWA's causes them to expand without limit. Let's apply each definition to the Palestinian refugees of 1948, who by the U.N.'s (inflated) statistics numbered 726,000. (Scholarly estimates of the number range between 420,000 to 539,000.)

* The High Commission definition would restrict the refugee status to those of the 726,000 yet alive. According to a demographer, about 200,000 of those 1948 refugees remain living today.
* UNRWA includes the refugees' children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren, as well as Palestinians who left their homes in 1967, all of whom add up to 4.25 million refugees.

The 200,000 refugees by the global definition make up less than 5 percent of the 4.25 million by the UNRWA definition. By international standards, those other 95 percent are not refugees at all. By falsely attaching a refugee status to these Palestinians who never fled anywhere, UNRWA condemns a creative and entrepreneurial people to lives of exclusion, self-pity and nihilism.

The policies of Arab governments then make things worse by keeping Palestinians locked in an amber-like refugee status. In Lebanon, for instance, the 400,000 stateless Palestinians are not allowed to attend public school, own property or even improve their housing stock.

It's high time to help these generations of non-refugees escape the refugee status so they can become citizens, assume self-responsibility and build for the future. Best for them would be for UNRWA to close its doors and the U.N. High Commission to absorb the dwindling number of true Palestinian refugees.

That will only happen if the U.S. government recognizes UNRWA's role in perpetuating Palestinian misery. In a misguided spirit of "deep commitment to the welfare of Palestinian refugees," Washington currently provides 40 percent of UNRWA's $306 million annual budget; it should be zeroed out.

Fortunately, the U.S. Congress is waking up. Chris Smith, a Republican on the House International Relations Committee, recently called for expanding the General Accounting Office's investigation into U.S. funding for UNRWA.

Tom Lantos, the ranking Democratic member on that same committee, goes further. Criticizing the "privileged and prolonged manner" of dealing with Palestinian refugees, he calls for shuttering UNRWA and transferring its responsibilities to the High Commission.

Other Western governments should join with Washington to solve the Palestinian refugee problem by withholding authorization for UNRWA when it next comes up for renewal in June 2005.

Now is the time to lay the groundwork to eliminate this malign institution, its mischievous definition, and its monstrous works.
www.danielpipes.org/article/1206



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (5647)8/22/2003 5:57:55 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793677
 
The U.N. Gets Bombed,
And The Media Suddenly See "Terrorists"

By
Lowell Phillips

A cement truck laden with explosives plows into the Baghdad headquarters of the United Nations and, presto-chango, there are "terrorists" in Iraq. That's right, not "guerrillas," not "resistance fighters," but "terrorists." And the press is appalled at their wickedness. Suddenly journalists and pundits who could scarcely bring themselves to utter the T-word now find themselves compelled to use it. Strange how when a U.S. serviceman is killed while guarding a hospital or when Israeli women and children are obliterated on a city bus, the perpetrators are often referred to as "militants," "extremists," or simply "bombers" and "gunmen." But when U.N. officials are the victims... Pardon me. Considering who does the talking, it isn't strange at all.

According to the New York Times the attack on the U.N. was "tragic" and "especially chilling." The LA Times described it as "horrific." It was made even more so by the fact that the United Nations is "an organization whose aims in Iraq are strictly humanitarian relief and reconstruction," said the Washington Post. And expressing sentiments mirrored by many, the New York Times urged the Bush administration to "rethink its approach to postwar Iraq" and derided them for,
"Unrealistically optimistic assumptions [that] led the White House to severely underestimate troop and spending requirements and wrongly dismiss the need for more international help through the U.N."

I don't intend to be flippant here but it seems to me that the mighty United Nations is unable to provide for the safety of its own personnel. As for their mastery in nation building, the ultimate need for interventions by French, British and American troops in wars on the African Continent resulted from the inability of the U.N. to make positive or lasting progress.

In the early 1990's the United Nations sought to end 25 years of bloodshed and chaos in Cambodia. The Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) entered with 20,000 personnel and billions of dollars and stayed for years. Today Cambodia is corrupt and violent with only the façade of a democratic government. Five years after American led NATO forces intervened in the war in Kosovo and the "reconstruction" was handed over to the United Nations, it is plagued with political uncertainty and regular shortages in water, fuel and power. The economy is not just stagnant, it's actually shrinking. Infrastructure has decayed under U.N. management and their personnel are resented for their arrogance, so much so that the Kosovar press has taken to calling them the "humanitarian mafia."

At risk of sounding flippant once again, I must admit to having a brief moment with some renegade thoughts. If there is an organization on earth that did more than the U.N. to see to it that Saddam Hussein stayed in power, torturing and filling mass graves to the brim, I'm at a loss to name it.

Perhaps the truck bomber was the relative of a recent victim? As the press has told us consistently, Islamic terror organizations would never cooperate with or fight for Saddam. Moreover we were told they considered Saddam an enemy on par with the United States, because he was a secular tyrant, oppressing Muslims. If this was the case, again the U.N. would be a legitimate target because they allowed it to continue, to say nothing of the tragically farcical "oil for food program" administered by the world body, which enabled Saddam to construct lavish palaces while the Iraqi people starved.

It's odd that there were no "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter" rationalizations in this instance. It would indeed be poetic justice, but the likelihood is that the U.N.'s Baghdad headquarters was targeted because it was easy to hit, a "soft-target" according to the experts.

As the critics were in the grip of sorrow and outrage for the targeting of the only institution with "moral authority," they seized upon the bombing as an opportunity to condemn the administration's post-war strategy, and for the failure to protect United Nations' personnel. There is a need for reevaluation and an evolution of tactics to counter those of the terrorists, but rather than demonstrating failure on the part of U.S. forces or their leadership, the U.N. bombing suggests that security measures are shoring up and terrorists are finding them difficult to breach head on. If there is some expectation that "additional troops" might secure every school, market and hotel in Iraq from fanatics intent on suicide, prepare to be disappointed. There aren't enough in the entire American military, and likely not enough in the world. Armchair generals should be grateful that the battle against them is raging in the center of the Islamic world, the belly of the terrorist beast, and not on U.S. soil.

The outrage expressed by U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan over the failure of coalition forces to provide security was disingenuous. The fact is that the United Nations has troops ready to send on interventionist missions all over the world at the drop of a hat, but it somehow couldn't protect staffers in an office building. In truth it wouldn't provide or accept security. Pentagon officials pointed out that an offer was made to setup a secure perimeter, but it was rejected. Salim Lone, the U.N. spokesman in Baghdad, said the United Nations "did not want a large American presence outside." Annan's own spokesman, Fred Eckard, commented to reporters that they wanted to avoid the appearance of an armed camp and preferred the facility to be "more accessible to people." Indeed it was.

As for this sudden discovery by the press of terrorists in Iraqi, it is being argued that they are only there because President Bush decided to invade. At the same time it is acknowledged (unintentionally I'm sure) that they have always been there. The New York Times concluded that "chaotic postwar Iraq is becoming a magnet for terrorists." The Detroit Free Press wrote that even though Iraq is becoming a hotbed of terrorism, we cannot pullout because "we created it." And the ever-enchanting Maureen Dowd charged the Bush team with creating "the very monster that it conjured up to alarm Americans into backing a war on Iraq."

But throughout the media there is speculation that Ansar al-Islam, a terror organization allied with al Qaeda, is behind recent attacks, including those on the United Nations and the Jordanian embassy earlier this month. Ansar al-Islam's camp in northern Iraq was destroyed in the opening hours of the war and was introduced by Colin Powell in the United Nations Security Council Chamber in February as evidence that Iraq was harboring and cooperating with terrorists. Powell discussed evidence that one of Osama bin Laden's lieutenants, Abu Massad Al-Zakawi, was operating out of Iraq, including graphics illustrating his connections to terrorist cells throughout the world.

It was also widely known that Saddam Hussein supported Palestinian terror networks, the same organizations supported by Iran and Syria. Saddam's government had been smuggling oil out and weapons in across the Syrian boarder indicating an intimate relationship with a nation whose primary industry and export is terrorism. Yet all this was discarded as "thin," "trumped up," or "unconvincing" by the same media outlets that now see terrorists in Iraq.

There can be little debate that additional foot soldiers are now flocking to Saddam's former kingdom. The Financial Times recently estimated that 3000 have entered from Saudi Arabia alone. Also filing in from Syria and Iran are members of the same organizations that Saddam publicly financed, their jihad no-doubt made easier by a preexisting terrorist infrastructure.

The media's ideologically induced blindness to Saddam's terrorist activities is beginning to clear, but the apparent tunnel vision is hardly better. From the beginning it was obvious, to all who were willing to see, that liberating Iraq was inextricably tied to the war on terror. But unless the victims serve under a powder blue flag, terrorist aren't terrorists and making war on them is unjustified.

If those piloting explosive laden trucks wish to wear down the American public in a manner similar to Vietnam, all they need do is avoid the United Nations. And in no time at all the western press will magically transform them into noble "partisans" once again.

toogoodreports.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (5647)8/22/2003 6:10:01 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793677
 
Confronting Terrorist Gangs and Their Apologists
By Lee Harris 08/22/2003 Tech Central Station

For many weeks now, I have pondered the significance of the controversy over President Bush's nomination of Daniel Pipes to the U.S. Institute of Peace, but I have been puzzled over what I could write about it that had not already been said by men much more eloquent than I, including Charles Krauthammer, David Frum, and the editors of The New Republic . What, in view of Dr. Pipes's many more able defenders, could I possibly have to add that might be of interest or value to anyone else?



Then, while I was turning this question over in my mind, I thought about the town I live in, and its not very distant past, and all at once I realized what it was that I could say about the Pipes controversy that is different, and -- let us hope -- not entirely irrelevant.



About eighty years ago and only a few miles from my home, the Ku Klux Klan was reborn in an explosion of fiery crosses on top of the massive granite outcropping known as Stone Mountain. The men who attended this celebration were convinced that they represented what was finest in southern culture, and that their newly resurrected organization would be dedicated to preserving the heritage of the White Anglo-Saxon Protestant values that had been so integral in the creation of the United States.



What is more, the hooded men on top of Stone Mountain were by no means alone in thinking of themselves in this way, since at the time there were many other Americans who would have agreed with this flattering self-assessment, fellow travelers of the KKK and their apologists all across the United States, as well as many of the leading politicians of that not terribly distant epoch, including, of course, distinguished Senators.



Were they right? Did the men on top of Stone Mountain truly stand for what they claimed? Did they indeed speak for all white southerners?



This was a difficult question to determine at the time, because any white southerner who happened to speak out openly against the KKK would almost certainly face some form of retaliation from the Klan itself, administered in varying degrees of severity.



The Klan, after all, wore those hoods and sheets for a reason -- in fact, for two reasons.



First, they wore them to make identification of individual Klan members impossible by those whom the Klan chose to intimidate, black or white, thereby permitting Klan members to perform criminal acts with complete impunity.



Second, to transform a collection of moderately respectable men into a gang of ruthless thugs collectively capable of committing acts that, as individuals, they would not have countenanced. In short, the hood and the sheet were talismans for magically changing run of the mill dentists, commonplace salesmen, and ordinary farmers into terrorists.



And yet, despite the intimidation and despite the terror, some white southerners did speak out against the KKK. Not many, but enough to raise the question: Who truly spoke for southern culture? The Klan and their apologists? Or those who denounced them both?



Now what, you ask, does all of this have to do with Dr. Daniel Pipes, and the current controversy about President Bush's nomination to the U.S. Institute of Peace?



To answer this question, substitute Arab culture for southern culture, Islam for Protestantism, and Islamic terrorists for the KKK; and then ask yourself: Who today is the true defender of Muslim culture and the ethos of Islam -- those who commit terrorist outrages, and their apologists? Or those who, like Dr. Pipes, denounce the actions of such ruthless thugs, and who point steadily to those aspects of the Islamic tradition that are life-affirming, moderate, and humane?



Merely to ask such a question is to reject the paradigm of culture that has come to dominate so much contemporary academic and pseudo-liberal thinking, namely the naïve multiculturalist's simplistic concept of a culture as a single monolithic entity, homogeneous and immutable. Instead, it presupposes a far more sophisticated concept of culture as a locus of conflicting values, from the perspective of which Islamic culture, like southern culture, is a living, changing organism, riddled with deep divisions and fraught with dialectic tensions, punctuated with lacerating periods of internal conflict in which two different interpretations of one and the same culture have struggled for dominance, with one side often intent on destroying every trace of its opponent.



Precisely such a struggle for cultural dominance was fought out in the American south during the course of the twentieth century; and precisely such a struggle for cultural dominance is being fought out today in the Islamic world. Indeed, Islamic culture, in this respect, is no different from southern culture, and indeed, like every culture known to us. It has its better angels, but it has its demons as well; and the eternal question is, as always, Which shall be allowed to triumph?



Daniel Pipes's mission has been to restate this universal truth in terms of the contemporary struggle between the better angels of Islam, on the one hand, and the demons of ruthlessness represented by al-Qaeda and Hamas, on the other -- organizations that, like the KKK, falsely claim to represent an entire culture, but which are in fact only pathological and self-serving distortions of a fragment of this culture.



Today there are no crosses burned on Stone Mountain, and it is inconceivable that any will ever burn there again, so that, in retrospect, it is tempting to conclude that the KKK did not truly stand for southern culture, after all. But this facile conclusion is only possible because there were in our past a handful of men and women who fought heroically against the KKK's pretensions to represent southern culture -- men, like the great newspaper editor, Ralph McGill, who insisted on seeing the KKK as a kind of cultural pathogen whose spread and success could only end by destroying whatever was most valuable and worthy in the culture of the American South.



If one day our children, or our children's children, can look back at this epoch in history, and facilely conclude that al-Qaeda and Hamas did not "really" stand for Islamic culture, it will be thanks to yet another handful of courageous men, both in the West and in the Muslim world itself, who, like Dr. Pipes, have insisted that Islamic culture could not be reduced to the pretensions of terrorist gangs and their apologists.



But if, tragically, such a day should never come, it will be in no small part because of those men and women who today are attacking Daniel Pipes and his work, as well as those politicians -- like Senators Kennedy, Harkin, and Dodd -- who permit hysteria and slander to guide where reason and judgment should rule.

techcentralstation.com