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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (5937)8/26/2003 5:27:32 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793964
 
NASA

It seems to be a "Law of Political Organizations" that all Government operations turn into the Post Office. We have just seen a good example of it with the FBI and CIA. It is time to close down NASA and let private enterprise do anything further.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (5937)8/26/2003 5:57:10 AM
From: Lazarus_Long  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793964
 
NASA is NEVER wrong! Don't forget it! :-)



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (5937)8/26/2003 6:03:34 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793964
 
U.S. Job Losses Blamed on China's Currency
By ELIZABETH BECKER and EDMUND L. ANDREWS - [The New York Times]
August 26, 2003

WASHINGTON, Aug. 25 - With unemployment high and American manufacturers reeling from three years of misery, politicians and businesspeople around the country have found a villain to blame for these troubles: China, or more specifically its currency.

In South Carolina, the Republican governor, Mark Sanford, cites the currency, the yuan, as posing a major threat to his state's struggling textile industry by making Chinese exports unreasonably cheap.

In Erie, Pa., executives and workers at scores of industrial companies are planning a loud protest on Labor Day over "unfair competition" ? and one of the biggest targets will be the seemingly obscure matter of the yuan.

And in Washington, the Bush administration is gearing up to put direct political pressure on China next week when Treasury Secretary John W. Snow makes a highly publicized trip through Asia. The subject was near the top of the agenda when President Bush met with his economic team two weeks ago in Crawford, Tex.

The issue is the value of the yuan, which the Beijing government pegs to the dollar rather than allowing it to float in world currency markets. Critics say that keeps the yuan undervalued by as much as 40 percent, enabling Chinese manufacturers to flood the United States with products at prices that homegrown companies cannot match.

Though Chinese exports have been growing at the expense of American manufacturing jobs for years, the volume of the complaints has risen with the unemployment rate ? and with the approach of national elections next year. And no matter what it does, the White House is on treacherous ground.

If the administration does not push China hard enough, it risks losing crucial support in important electoral districts. But if it pushes too hard, it could alienate China at a time when the United States needs Beijing's help in containing North Korea.

Then there is the risk of alienating American consumers, who benefit from inexpensive Chinese goods. "This is probably the hottest single trade issue," said Representative Phil English, Republican of Pennsylvania and head of the Congressional steel caucus. "I believe the administration would be making a big mistake if it ceded the high ground on this issue to some of Mr. Bush's competitors."

In a blunt letter to President Bush last month, 16 Republican and Democratic senators and representatives complained that China was undercutting American factories by intentionally keeping its currency undervalued.

The lawmakers, from Democrats like Senator Charles E. Schumer of New York to Republicans like Mr. English and Senator Elizabeth Dole of North Carolina, demanded that Mr. Bush press China to adopt a free-floating currency and to let the yuan rise in value.

"The fragile coalition for free trade is weakening because of the huge loss of manufacturing jobs in most parts of the country," Senator Schumer said. "Correcting the exchange rate with China is the perfect way to stem some loss of jobs without violating international trade rules."

Senator Joseph I. Lieberman, Democrat of Connecticut, signed the letter and has made the issue part of his presidential campaign platform.

An undervalued currency makes a country's exports cheaper than they might otherwise be, which in turn puts increased pressure on companies in countries with stronger currencies.

During Mr. Snow's two days of meetings next week, administration officials say he will urge China's leaders to rethink their long-held policy of locking the yuan at a fixed exchange rate of 8.28 to the dollar.

Still, the administration is reluctant to anger China. For one thing, the United States will commence six-country talks in Beijing on Wednesday over how to deal with North Korea's nuclear program.

Beyond that, administration officials say the economics are far more complex than they first appear.

Some are worried that an abrupt rise in China's currency might set off a deflationary spiral there that would imperil China's troubled banking system. China's central bank announced today that to shore up its system it would raise the level of deposits required of commercial banks.

Administration officials also note that China is one of few engines in the world economy that is still running at top speed. Putting a brake on that engine could create as many problems as it solves. And they know that a jump in the yuan would lead to unpleasant price increases on everything from clothing to household appliances in the United States.

As a result, administration officials are moving more cautiously than many manufacturers would like. The message to China "will be explicit" that flexibility would be in China's self-interest and "very clear," a senior administration official said today. But the message will be diplomatic.

For the last nine years, China has maintained the yuan's exchange rate against the dollar by buying or selling dollars when necessary, a policy aided by the fact that China has much stricter currency controls than most countries. Consequently, the yuan has moved in lock step with the dollar, even though China's trade surplus and its foreign reserves have grown enormously.

Defenders of China's policy note that it has at least been consistent. The yuan rose in line with the dollar during the late 1990's, even after other countries drastically devalued their currencies amid the Asian financial crisis.

The International Monetary Fund has been watching the issue, and officials said today that they also believed that China should show "greater flexibility" toward its exchange rate.

But Beijing has made it clear that it will make only token gestures to the administration. At most, Chinese officials may offer Mr. Snow a loosening of some currency controls or a promise to begin a formal examination of its policies.

That seems unlikely to damp the rising anger in America's industrial heartland.

Governor Sanford of South Carolina and Jennifer M. Granholm, the Democratic governor of Michigan, both said that the exchange rate had become an issue in their states.

"In the Textile Belt, there are a number of governors who are acutely aware of the problem," Mr. Sanford said in an interview. "But our ability to impact currency rates halfway across the globe is frankly nonexistent."

For her part, Governor Granholm said that the issue was so important to retaining manufacturing jobs in her state that she would make it one of the litmus tests as she decides which candidate to endorse in the Democratic presidential primary.

C. Fred Bergsten, director of the Institute for International Economics in Washington, said that the domestic pressure against Chinese imports would only increase.

"If nothing is done, you could get an outbreak of protectionism here against China," Mr. Bergsten said in an interview.

Few American consumers have been oblivious to the increasing ubiquity of "Made in China" labels. The trade deficit with China has exploded to over $100 billion, thanks to market-opening trade agreements and to China's seemingly limitless supply of extremely low-wage workers, in addition to the role of the yuan.

Chinese exports to the United States have doubled to $125 billion in 2002 from $62 billion in 1997.

American exports to China, by contrast, have crept up only modestly over the same period, to $19 billion from $13 billion.

Phil Tredway, president and owner of Erie Molded Plastics Inc. in Erie, Pa., is among the many manufacturers bitterly complaining about Chinese exchange rates.

"Our customers have a market without borders and sourcing without borders, and we know that," Mr. Tredway said today. "We can compete against China's low labor costs, and we can compete with them if they play by the rules. But we cannot compete with them if they have a 20 percent to 40 percent currency advantage."

At Erie Molded Plastics, a 21-year-old business that makes products like electrical connectors and plastic bottle caps, sales have plunged 20 percent in the last three years, to about $8 million.

"I'm a Republican and a strong supporter of President Bush," Mr. Tredway said. "But the administration doesn't have any idea how many jobs have been lost because of this."

But international brow-beating over exchange rates can be risky and dangerous for all countries concerned. Charlene Barshefsky, who was the United States trade representative under President Bill Clinton, said that China's exchange rate was a legitimate issue, but she warned against formal accusations of unfair trade practices.

"These trade actions are very costly to bring and success is not assured," she said. "The U.S. is now getting as good as it gets and has become the most prominent country against which antidumping rules are brought, to the detriment of our exporters."

Regardless of the risks, manufacturers are planning to force the issue as the presidential and Congressional election campaigns intensify.

Ernest H. Preeg of the Manufacturers Alliance, a business-supported policy research group, made it clear that many companies are disgruntled with the administration on this issue.

"Manufacturers are not going to let the administration fudge the issue," he said. "Just when we're getting hit by the recession, we're getting clobbered by currency manipulation. That's unfair."

nytimes.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (5937)8/26/2003 10:53:12 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793964
 
Labor Leaders May Vote to Hedge Their Bets on Recall
By Megan Garvey, Henry Weinstein and Gregg Jones
Times Staff Writers

August 26, 2003

The state's powerful labor federation meets today to take up the contentious issue of whether to support Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante as a backup candidate in the recall election of Gov. Gray Davis ? a move that, if it occurs, would mark both a shift in strategy and a significant lift for Bustamante.

But even as many Democratic leaders have coalesced behind a hedge-the-bets strategy, pairing a "no" on the recall vote with a "yes" for the lieutenant governor's backup candidacy, labor has remained fractured.

Five hundred voting delegates are expected to be on hand in Manhattan Beach as the California State Federation of Labor makes its formal recommendations for the Oct. 7 ballot. The delegates represent about 1,300 unions, many of which remain divided over how to defeat the recall effort without risking the election of a new governor whose policies would be hostile to labor's interests.

The chief question is whether to throw the considerable resources and manpower of organized labor behind Bustamante, who ignored the pleas of labor leaders to stay out of the recall race.

Members of the state federation's executive council met into the early evening Monday, preparing an agenda for the larger meeting today, including whether even to bring the question of the backup endorsementto a vote.

A formal endorsement of any candidate or position requires the support of two-thirds of delegates.

Bustamante's campaign would welcome the state federation's backing, particularly because it would bring nearly all the state's major Democratic groups and leaders in line with his campaign strategy. In the last few weeks, Bustamante has met with half a dozen unions that have requested interviews, said his campaign strategist, Richie Ross, although he has not aggressively pursued labor endorsements.

In the days leading up to Monday's executive council meeting and today's broader discussion, state federation Executive Secretary-Treasurer Art Pulaski sought input from union leaders on whether to endorse Bustamante.

The state federation has promised to spend $5 million in direct efforts to defeat the recall effort, using thousands of volunteers to work phone banks and go door to door and sending out hundreds of thousands of job-site fliers and direct-mail appeals.

So far, labor's statewide script has been to urge a straight "no" on the question of recalling Davis. The second question on the ballot ? the vote on a successor for Davis if he fails to get more than 50% on the recall question ? has not been addressed by labor's volunteer callers.

But a formal endorsement of Bustamante would almost certainly mean those same callers would include a recommendation that union households cast a vote for him.

About three in 10 California voters identify themselves as coming from union households, Times exit polls have shown.

In recent days, a growing number of unions, such as the California State Employees Assn. and California Teacher's Assn., have endorsed Bustamante, even as they have urged a "no" vote on the recall question. On Monday, Democrats in the state Senate also hedged their anti-recall stand by supporting Bustamante as the best candidate in the event Davis is voted out.

"Having two bites at the apple is infinitely better than one," Senate leader John L. Burton of San Francisco told reporters.

The position, the same adopted last week by California's 33 Democratic representatives to Congress, is one that some union officials feel they should be taking as well.

"The second question needs to be answered," said Rick Eiden, president of the Orange County Central Labor Council. "That is: If there is a recall, who is the most qualified candidate? We think it's Cruz Bustamante."

Jerry Butkiewicz, secretary-treasurer of the San Diego-Imperial Counties Central Labor Council, said, "We have to do what our membership wants."

At a conference two weeks ago, he said, 80 rank-and-file members were asked if they planned to vote against recalling Davis. "One hundred percent raised their hands. Then we asked how many would vote for a candidate on the second part of the ballot. All 80 raised their hands."

But some top labor leaders have consistently said they believe their energies and money should be devoted exclusively to beating the recall effort.

Carroll Wills, spokesman for the California Professional Firefighters, said union President Dan Terry had gone into Monday's executive council meeting "firm in his view that his desire and his first choice is to keep the eye on the ball."

Wills said that those favoring the "no, period" strategy felt energized by The Times poll Saturday that indicated about 45% of voters would vote "no" on the recall question, while another 5% are undecided.

Recent polls by other news organizations and nonpartisan groups had shown Davis down by 10 points or more.

A victory, if it came, would almost certainly be credited to labor's influence, bolstering the position of unions as one of the most important forces in Democratic politics, said Kent Wong, director of the UCLA Center for Labor Research and Education.

With the potential upside high, some veterans of the labor movement say it is important to keep voters focused on what everyone in the movement says is the top priority: keeping Davis in office.

"The question is, do we go out with a focused message or a confused message?" said Bill Camp, executive secretary of the Sacramento Central Labor Council. "We have to give people a crystal-clear message and push like hell to get every working family to the polls. Our job is not to persuade people to vote for Cruz. Our job is to get the Democratic base voters to the polls. We should not be ambiguous."

While labor's endorsement is normally a top goal for Democratic contenders, the unprecedented nature of this election has created unusual dynamics.

Opposition in the Davis camp to a Bustamante candidacy has diminished since a judge ruled earlier this month that Davis couldn't get on the ballot, campaign officials said. At that point, the paramount aim became making the fight one of Democrats vs. Republicans rather than Davis vs. Bustamante, Democratic strategists and Davis campaign officials said. Relations between Davis and Bustamante have been strained since the early days of the governor's first term in 1999.

Davis campaign officials said their effort is focused entirely on keeping Democrats united in a "no" vote on the recall question.

Labor leaders, Democratic party strategists and Davis campaign officials said Monday that the governor hasn't tried to influence the California Labor Federation's decision.

"I can only tell you that, in all the calls that I've been on and all the strategy sessions I've been in, there has never been a discussion" about trying to influence the vote of the labor federation, said Susan Kennedy, a former Davis aide who remains close to the governor and his campaign. "It's a strategic decision and I don't think anybody has the answer with any certainty."

Davis, who had hoped pressure from unions and national Democratic leaders would keep all prominent Democrats off the ballot, has softened his stance on Bustamante's candidacy, reflecting in part the possibility that Bustamante might bring to the polls more voters who oppose recalling him.

"The bottom line for us is getting as many people as we can united against the recall and to vote no on Question 1," said Peter Ragone, communications director of the Davis campaign. "On Question 2, there's a divergence of opinion with Democrats all over the state, and that's OK with us because everyone is unified on Question 1."

latimes.com