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Non-Tech : The Enron Scandal - Unmoderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Raymond Duray who wrote (2766)8/31/2003 8:42:30 AM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Former politicians less eager to make trip to boardroom

chicagotribune.com

By Andrew Countryman
Tribune staff reporter

August 31, 2003

The career path was routine: Leave government, land on a corporate board.

A few years ago, board service was seen as a relatively painless, reasonably well-paying and reputation-enhancing part-time job.

"Now it can be putting your neck in a noose," said Max Cleland, a former Democratic senator from Georgia.

In past years, dozens of ex-members of Congress easily slid over to positions as public company directors, not to mention countless former Cabinet officials, Securities and Exchange Commission officials, other regulators, governors, ambassadors, military leaders, mayors, state legislators, government staffers--even former Vice Presidents Dan Quayle and Al Gore.

But that flow has slowed sharply, with both firms and the former officials wary of hooking up. Of the more than 120 people who left Congress after the 2000 and 2002 elections, a Tribune review of regulatory filings indicates fewer than a dozen are now on public company boards.


"There's definitely a change going on because of the new emphasis on governance," said Stephen Fisher, president of A.T. Kearney Executive Search, which helps recruit directors.

Many experts cite the changing landscape for this decline, but it began before Enron Corp. and other scandals exploded--in part, some experts say, because people are leaving Congress sooner and may not have the depth of contacts that companies value so dearly.

While many who left Congress a decade or so ago quickly jumped on multiple corporate boards--some are still on a half-dozen or more--the recent departees who have joined boards typically sit on just one.

Among them is Cleland, who joined insurance giant Aflac Inc.'s board after he lost his re-election bid last year.

Cleland, a co-sponsor of the Sarbanes-Oxley governance law, said he has known the founding Amos family for three decades and considers Chairman Daniel Amos and the firm "as clean as a hound's tooth."

That, he said, is why he agreed when Amos called.

"Corporate America, I decided long ago, was not for me. I had no inclination to do what other people do--serve on a bunch of corporate boards," he said.

Those who do, he said, do so at their own risk: "You better darn well know the company."

Cleland suggested some directors on multiple boards might not have taken the job seriously enough. "Maybe that was some of the problem" in corporate America, he said.

Several experts say other politicians have been scared off by corporate America's scandals.

"I think anybody would have to gulp once or twice when they're invited onto boards these days," said James Kristie, editor of Directors & Boards magazine.

But some people leaving government said they haven't received any offers. Search firm executives and other experts say companies coming to grips with the good-governance tidal wave are seeking financial expertise and specific business experience, not big names.

Among those who have braved the move from Congress to a board is former Democratic House Whip David Bonior of Michigan, at Community Central Bank Corp. near Detroit.

Bonior, now a labor studies professor at Wayne State University in Detroit, said he saw board service as an opportunity for community service and to learn more about business.

Although Bonior believes his background as a labor advocate probably precluded other offers--"Nobody wanted me," he said, chuckling--when firms bring former government officials on board, it's usually more about influence than ideology.

Companies say these officials bring valuable skills and perspectives to the board. But, clearly, they tend to favor former senators and former heads of key House committees or party leaders--in short, people who can open doors--along with executive branch officials and regulators with expertise in their areas of business.

Locally, North Barrington-based Clark Consulting added former House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Bill Archer to its board shortly after he left Congress in 2001. Archer works as a senior policy adviser to PricewaterhouseCoopers and is a registered lobbyist for several companies.

"He understands the political process, the regulatory process, the way the winds are blowing in Washington," said Chief Executive Tom Wamberg. "He brings a great mix to our board."

Some may be overextended

Clark is Archer's only public company board, but experts worry that others may be overextended. Even as time commitments ratchet up and some firms restrict the number of other seats directors can hold, former House Budget Committee Chairman William Gray, for example, sits on eight large-company boards.

Many join boards after serving in key roles related to the business. ChevronTexaco Corp., for example, has former Senate Energy Committee Chairman J. Bennett Johnston on its board, and Allegiance Telecom Inc. added former Federal Communications Commission Chairman Reed Hundt.

For former officials working in law firms or as lobbyists, like Johnston, the connections from board service can be invaluable. Just four former Senate leaders--George Mitchell, Sam Nunn, Warren Rudman and William Cohen--now sit on 20 boards with nearly 40 CEOs of public and private companies, including such luminaries as billionaire investor Warren Buffett.

Add to that several high-ranking executives below the CEO level, former CEOs and those they met during previous director service, and it results in a web of interconnections and links to countless firms.

All told, representatives of the ex-senators' current employers have been registered lobbyists for at least 11 firms with whom the four have board connections.

Board service can have other substantial rewards. Aside from board pay, more than half the firms with those four ex-senators as directors paid them or their employers for legal and consulting work last year.

Firms don't always have to reveal the amount, but six disclosed more than $9.5 million combined, including $175,000 in consulting fees to Mitchell.

Sarbanes-Oxley now outlaws such payments to audit committee members, and some experts say they can be problematic for any outside director.

Companies should avoid even the appearance of conflicts of interest, said Craig Dunn, executive director of the Corporate Governance Institute at San Diego State University, and such contracts can be seen as a way for executives to manage their boards and keep them docile.

"There's some implied reciprocity. I've seen this happen at the local level. The only thing that changes at these big companies is the dollar amount," Dunn said. "To the extent that does happen, then you don't have someone who's a watchdog for shareholders."

For their part, the firms all say this doesn't compromise the directors' oversight, though a handful--including General Electric Co., which pays for services from Nunn's law firm--do not count them as independent directors.

Some experts wonder about the effectiveness of oversight by directors with heavy commitments, as well as those who receive outside fees from the firm or were brought on primarily because of whom they know.

"Just because a person has political contacts doesn't mean they're going to be a good director in terms of discharging their fiduciary duty to shareholders," Dunn said. "Clearly, these people aren't being invited onto these boards because of their ability to discharge these duties."

Although Cleland and others say a key attribute of politicians on a board is their common sense and willingness to ask tough questions, board pay itself can have some heft--sometimes topping $100,000 a year--which some fear can make them reluctant to rock the boat.

Reputations on the line

To some experts, though, those fees may not be worth the potential liability and risk to directors' reputations.

In April 2001, for example, former Defense Secretary Cohen joined the board of telecommunications firm Global Crossing Ltd., which was out to win defense contracts. He left a year later, shortly after the firm filed for bankruptcy amid questions about its accounting and massive stock sales by company officials, much of which occurred before he joined the board. He later faced civil suits over his board service.

Sonny Callahan, an Alabama Republican who left the House after the 2002 elections, has not joined any public company boards--mostly, he said, because firms are reluctant to take him on at age 70.

He said he would have no qualms, once he has thoroughly examined the firm and its financial condition, but said the recent scandals have made other former politicians wary.

"There's a lot of fear there on the part of my former colleagues about getting themselves in a situation that could lead to their financial ruin, or even jail," he said. "Generally, the compensation is not worth the headache."

Callahan said the government-to-director slowdown isn't necessarily because companies are shying away. He said he believes firms are having trouble finding good directors.

"There used to be a tremendous amount of prestige, and companies were able to take advantage of that" to lure quality people at minimal pay, he said.

"Now it's different."

Copyright © 2003, Chicago Tribune



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (2766)9/10/2003 6:34:58 PM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Ex-Enron Treasurer Sentenced to 5 Years

chicagotribune.com

By KRISTEN HAYS
AP Business Writer
Published September 10, 2003, 4:34 PM CDT

HOUSTON -- Enron's former treasurer pleaded guilty to conspiracy and was led away in handcuffs and ankle chains Wednesday to begin serving five years behind bars -- the first executive to go to prison in the scandal that brought down the energy company and rocked Wall Street.

Federal prosecutors said that Ben Glisan Jr. made no deal to implicate higher-ups such as former chairman Kenneth Lay but that the sentence -- the maximum under the law -- should send a "somewhat chilling message."

Glisan, 37, admitted helping design financial deals that enriched him and illegally kept investment losses off Enron's books.

"I think I would simply like to say I take full responsibility for my actions," Glisan softly told U.S. District Judge Kenneth Hoyt.

He also agreed to forfeit nearly $1 million in profits from an off-the-books deal at Enron and agreed to not seek a refund of $412,000 in income taxes he paid on that profit.

U.S. marshals escorted Glisan outside the courthouse to be taken to a federal lockup. His suit jacket was slung over his handcuffed hands, and ankle chains forced him to take small steps.

Twenty-three counts against Glisan were dismissed, including money laundering and fraud. He will be on supervised release for three years after getting out of prison.

Glisan had pleaded innocent in May to 24 charges as part of a 109-count indictment against Andrew Fastow, his one-time boss and former Enron finance chief.

Fastow is accused of masterminding the schemes that led the Houston energy-trading company into bankruptcy in December 2001 amid disclosures of inflated profits, hidden debt and questionable accounting. He is awaiting trial in April.

Lay resigned as chairman and chief executive, but no charges have been filed against him.

Leslie Caldwell, head of the Justice Department's Enron Task Force, said Glisan's refusal to cooperate with investigators won't hinder their case against Fastow or anyone else, and they do not need his help.

But she said others should take note of his plea and immediate imprisonment.

"He was viewed as one of the whiz kids at Enron," Caldwell said. "The fact that he now admitted he created a fraudulent way for Enron to hide things off its books I think will send a somewhat chilling message to other people."

Robert Mintz, a former federal prosecutor now with McCarter & English in Newark, N.J., said the significance of Glisan's plea is more symbolic than practical. But Glisan avoided a jury's possible wrath and prosecutors can point to a former Enron executive behind bars, he said.

Andrew Weissmann, a top prosecutor with the task force, added that plaintiffs suing Enron executives for fraud can use Glisan's admission to bolster their cases. "This now makes their case a virtual slam-dunk," he said.

The Securities and Exchange Commission filed and settled fraud charges against Glisan on Wednesday, with an agreement that he wouldn't violate securities laws or serve as an officer or director for a publicly traded company. Hoyt also barred Glisan from ever serving as an officer or director and he cannot take a job that puts him in a fiduciary role without permission from the court.


Glisan, a one-time managing director, was the second former Enron executive to plead guilty in the scandal. An executive of equal rank, Michael Kopper, a managing director who was one of Fastow's top lieutenants, pleaded guilty last year to money laundering and conspiracy. He is helping prosecutors while awaiting sentencing and has surrendered $11.8 million in ill-gotten gains from financial schemes.

Glisan was fired in November 2001, less than a month before Enron filed for bankruptcy, when an internal probe revealed his $1 million profit from a $5,800 investment in one of several deals at the heart of the Justice Department's case against Fastow.

Last year, Glisan had tried without success to strike a deal and avoid prosecution by telling what he knows about the financial details.

He was added as a defendant to Fastow's case when Fastow's original 78-count indictment was expanded to the 109 counts and unsealed May 1. Also added was former Enron finance executive Dan Boyle, who faces just two counts of conspiracy.

Last week Hoyt ruled that Fastow would be tried separately from his co-defendants, partially because of the discrepancy in the number of counts against Fastow in comparison to his co-defendants, "as well as the impact that such evidence may have on a jury."

Both Fastow and Boyle have pleaded innocent. Prosecutors have frozen about $23 million held in bank and brokerage accounts by Fastow, his family and others. That includes the $938,000 in an account in the name of Glisan and his wife.

In December, Glisan said in court documents that he had declared that money as income and offered to turn over $628,744 to prosecutors, less $412,000 in taxes. Wednesday's plea deal required him to turn over the entire amount.

At Wednesday's court appearance, Glisan hugged his wife, Barbara, and appeared to be suppressing tears before joining his lawyers in front of the bench. The family and the attorneys did not comment.

Copyright © 2003, The Associated Press