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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: KLP who wrote (6641)9/3/2003 3:17:02 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 794443
 
History of the right to vote in the US.


The real history is a history of illegal voting. Tammany Hall used to bring the immigrants right from the ship to the voting booth. Same in Boston, etc. It has always been a problem.

Fiorello!
Oh, there's a double M in Tammany,
Just like the double L in Hell,



To: KLP who wrote (6641)9/3/2003 3:55:45 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 794443
 
Scavenger Hunt
While the other candidates poke around at the Walnut Creek debate, Arnold will be preparing for the next phase of the campaign.
by Bill Whalen - Weekly Standard
09/03/2003 12:00:00 AM

IS ARNOLD SCHWARZENEGGER the recall Hamlet? To be or not to be a more conventional candidate: that is the question.

Barring a last-minute charge of heart, The Terminator won't be back in Walnut Creek for tonight's candidate forum (if you don't live in the San Francisco Bay area, you can catch it live on C-SPAN, beginning at 7 p.m. EDT). Schwarzenegger's aides say he'll participate in a September 17 debate that will air statewide. Otherwise, the star won't be taking part in any other ensemble productions.

Arnold takes a risk by being a no-show tonight, but it's the right gamble. For openers, the forum's organizers set too low of a threshold for participants: a minimum of 4 percent in the latest Field Poll. That opens the door to Democratic lieutenant governor Cruz Bustamante, Republican state senator Tom McClintock, former baseball commissioner Peter Ueberroth, Green party member Peter Camejo, and even columnist Arianna Huffington. Camejo and Huffington are recall gadflies who don't siphon votes from either of the major parties and will be non-factors on October 7. Arnold's right to expect a higher standard--like 6 percent--which would limit the debate to the big three.

Second, Arnold's handlers are smart enough to know that if their guy were to attend, he'd be the main target because it's the only way for the rest of the field to get noticed. Arnold would find himself in Bustamante's and McClintock's crosshairs--not to mention Gray Davis, who gets to speak before the recall candidates. Arnold would have Davis in his face and, even worse, Arianna in his lap.

THE BETTER QUESTION for Schwarzenegger isn't why he's skipping tonight's forum, it's how his campaign will or will not change in the remaining five weeks of this contest. Will Arnold, who tells Californians he wants to be the people's governor, make more public appearances? Will he give reporters the access they crave or continue holding them at bay? Or does any of that matter when you're a world-class celebrity, have millions on-hand to spend, and are banking on your charm and outsider status to carry you to victory?

To date, Arnold has approached recall the same way he handles product endorsements here in America: avoiding overexposure, so as not to cheapen his star power. On Monday, he was in Sacramento at the California state fair. He appeared in Huntington Beach on August 22 (that was two days after a press conference in Los Angeles, which was two weeks after his surprise announcement on "The Tonight Show"). Otherwise, it's been a virtual campaign: a barrage of 60-second TV ads and a tour of California talk radio (yesterday, Schwarzenegger was a guest on Michael Medved's show and the John and Ken Show in Los Angeles).

This defies campaign conventionality--even in an exercise as extraordinary as recall. Candidates don't "go dark" for a majority of the Labor Day weekend, as Arnold did. In a 60-day election, they don't miss any opportunity to get on the air--except for Arnold, who's stayed behind closed doors for days at a time. With all due respect to my friends in the business, talk radio interviews aren't showcase events--they're what candidates do during their down time to maximize exposure. But Arnold has put them at the heart of his outreach to conservative voters.

Unusual it is. Then again, the strategy works beautifully with a star-stuck public: the less they see of Arnold, the more he whets their appetite. Adoring fans in his Sacramento and Huntington Beach appearances mobbed him. They like Arnold, and Arnold feeds off of their enthusiasm--shaking hands, signing autographs, and taking questions from the crowd. No other recall candidate creates the same buzz.

It's reporters who have the problem--and they might decide to make it the candidate's problem, if the trend continues. For as far as they're concerned, less of Arnold isn't more.

At Monday's state fair appearance, Arnold threw himself into the crowds while reporters were kept at a distance. The few questions they did get in generally were met with stock answers. At one point, Schwarzenegger threw T-shirts to fans standing behind the press contingent. The symbolism of Arnold going over their heads wasn't hard to miss--and it ties into a growing frustration. Since his press conference of two weeks ago, reporters have asked for interviews with Arnold. So far, they've been put on hold.

Naturally, that doesn't sit well with them. Check out this September 1 post from Dan Weintraub, author of the "California Insider" blog: "[A]rnold clearly believes that he doesn't need the press, and he doesn't need to answer reporters' questions. He gets on the television news whether his answers are on point or not, and he acts as if he doesn't believe that many voters read newspapers. I still think he has created an unnecessary buzz around the campaign, a message that is repeated so often and so widely that it must be reaching the electorate: he is unwilling or unable to answer tough questions. By extension, the message is that he is unprepared to govern. And given that his greatest potential weakness is the voters' sense that he's not ready for prime time politics, his strategy only seems to feed that impression."

Think of the upcoming days of Schwarzenegger's campaign as the next scene in this production. What will be the focus of his next TV spot? Will it be biographical, issue-specific, or something unexpected? A friend of mine had a clever suggestion: Arnold should run excerpts from his August 20 press conference, where he was very much in command.

And will the candidate begin a more earnest dialogue with reporters or keep his distance through Election Day? Could media displeasure jaundice their coverage of Arnold, or is recall a different creature in which voters don't need the media to form their own opinions?

These are worthy questions to debate--long after the candidates finish in Walnut Creek.

Bill Whalen is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he follows California and national politics.

© Copyright 2003, News Corporation, Weekly Standard, All Rights Reserved.



To: KLP who wrote (6641)9/3/2003 5:25:19 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 794443
 
Here is an op-ed from Weinberger on Miniter's book. I think it is going to have legs.

Bill Clinton's failure on terrorism
By Caspar W. Weinberger
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
Published September 2, 2003


Richard Miniter's new book, "Losing bin Laden: How Bill Clinton's Failures Unleashed Global Terror," tells the sad, infuriating history of the number of opportunities President Clinton had to capture and imprison or kill the terrorist Osama bin Laden. Instead, we are still hunting. Bin Laden is still at large and alive enough to sponsor and concoct the details of the worst attack on America in our history, the destruction of the World Trade Center and the bombing of the Pentagon. What other horrors he is planning we do not know, simply because he is still uncaptured.

That reality is the sickening part of this remarkably well-researched and -sourced new book. Mr. Miniter, part of the reporting team that broke the "The Road to Ground Zero" story in the Jan. 6, 2002 London Sunday Times, has told how many real, actual and missed opportunities the Clinton administration had to capture and defang bin Laden. Why in the world would any U.S. administration not accept any and all offers to help dispose of one of the most vicious and well-financed terrorist leaders?

For several reasons, as the author points out.

The Clinton foreign policy was to get re-elected. Therefore, anything that might be controversial had to be avoided. So, from the beginning to the end of the administration, the Clintons "demanded absolute proof before acting against terrorists." This high bar guaranteed inaction. At the beginning of his term, after the attack of Feb. 26, 1993, Mr. Clinton refused to admit that the World Trade Center had been bombed. Later, he referred to it only as "regrettable" and "treated the disaster. . . like a twister in Arkansas." Earlier, he had "urged the public not to 'overreact' to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing."

That attitude was typical of the Clintonites. The president did not want to hear about bad news ? such as our terrible losses in October 1993, when Black Hawk helicopters were shot down in Mogadishu, Somalia, or the even more terrifying losses in New York. That would require a strong response which might upset some of the strange group of advisors and officials Mr. Clinton had collected. So it was with all the other missed opportunities to get bin Laden. CIA Director James Woolsey rarely had any meetings with Mr. Clinton. The president never supported Mr. Woolsey's urgent request for Arabic-language translators for the CIA in 1994. A separate feud between Mr. WoolseyandSen.Dennis DeConcini, Arizona Democrat, was allowed to run its course without direction by the Clinton White House, which further set back the CIA director's appeal for Arabic translators. So, as the author concludes, "a bureaucratic feud and President Clinton's indifference kept America blind and deaf as bin Laden plotted."

The Sudanese would offer to let the U.S. see their intelligence files and all the data they had gathered about bin Laden and the associates who had visited him in Sudan, "and would be repeatedly rebuffed through both formal and informal channels. This was one of the greatest intelligence failures of the Clinton years as the result of orders that came from the Clinton White House." Had the Clinton administration accepted and examined these files, countless terrorists could have been tracked. Sudan's offer to arrest bin Laden and deliver him to U.S. officials was likewise refused.

The Clinton Administration did try to get Saudi Arabia to accept bin Laden from Sudan, but the Saudi government apparently had as difficult a time as Mr. Clinton in making up its mind. The issue finally resolved itself thus: "The Clinton Administration refused to work with the government of Sudan," and so all the Sudanese efforts to help us by cooperating in the capture and delivery of bin Laden failed. Nothing more happens, even after Mr. Clinton won re-election in November 1996.

This is the long sad story of the Clinton Administration's blind refusal to accept offer after offer to deliver one of the world's terrorist leaders before and after his minions killed thousands in various terrorist attacks. The book is climaxed by a documented recital of the links between bin Laden's al Qaeda units and Iraq that should convince all but the most extreme Bush-haters that these links exist and continue. In all of this, we should try to remember and be grateful for the brilliant military achievements of our forces in overthrowing Saddam Hussein.

There have always been disputes within administrations. What is important is to contrast the methods President Reagan used to resolve these differences with Mr. Clinton's indecisiveness. If Mr. Reagan had so feared taking any kind of position that might become controversial or might injure his chances for re-election, as Mr. Clinton did every day, we would never have won the Cold War. "Losing bin Laden" is a valuable history that should serve as a training manual in how not to run a foreign policy.

Caspar W. Weinberger, a former Secretary of Defense, is chairman of Forbes.