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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Alighieri who wrote (174892)9/4/2003 12:43:45 AM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1579772
 
With astonishing speed, the United States and Britain are making their nightmares come true. Iraq is fast becoming the land that they warned about: a throbbing hub of terror. Islamists bent on murder, all but non-existent in Saddam's Iraq, are now flocking to the country, from Syria, Iran and across the Arab world. In the way that hippies used to head for San Francisco, jihadists are surging towards Baghdad. For those eager to strike at the US infidel, Iraq is the place to be: a shooting gallery, with Americans in easy firing range. Afghanistan is perilous terrain, but Iraq is open country. For the Islamist hungry for action, there are rich pickings.

What's disturbing is that we're stuck..........I wonder if that was Bush's intent all along. In any case, he now is forced to go to the UN. Of course, he will make little if any concessions. I wonder if France, Russia and Germany will go along with it or make him beg?

ted



To: Alighieri who wrote (174892)9/4/2003 1:01:29 AM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1579772
 
<font color=green>This is just the beginning. Take note of Santorum's comment..........he's an arrogant d*ckhead!<font color=black>

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washingtonpost.com

Bush to Seek $60 Billion or More for Iraq


By Glenn Kessler and Mike Allen
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, September 4, 2003; Page A01

The White House has informed congressional leaders that it is preparing a new budget request for between $60 billion and $70 billion to help cover the mounting costs of the reconstruction and military occupation of Iraq, sources on Capitol Hill said last night.

<font color=red>The planned request -- which congressional budget analysts said will be nearly double what Congress expected -- <font color=black>reflects the deepening cost of the five-month-old U.S. occupation and serves as an acknowledgement by the administration that it vastly underestimated the cost of restoring order in Iraq and rebuilding the country's infrastructure.

The estimate was disclosed on the same day the administration provided details of a draft U.N. resolution that it is preparing in an effort to win foreign pledges for more troops and money for Iraq.
The U.S. draft would authorize a multinational peacekeeping force under U.S. military command and would invite the nascent Iraqi Governing Council to submit a plan and a timetable for writing a constitution, creating a government and holding elections.

The decisions to seek new funds from Congress and to try to strike a bargain at the United Nations signaled that President Bush is trying to resolve festering disputes over his administration's Iraq policies before they turn into political liabilities. Both the rising cost of the military operations and the failure of the administration to share the peacekeeping burden in Iraq have prompted growing criticism on Capitol Hill and by Democratic presidential candidates.

The draft U.N. proposal appears to set up something unprecedented in U.N. history: a multinational force with a United Nations mandate in a country where the world body does not have political control or a say over who has political control.

The initial reaction of U.N. diplomats was mixed, with many viewing the draft as a basis for difficult negotiations over how much power the administration would be willing to cede to win an international imprimatur that some countries have demanded in exchange for their participation in a security force.

Administration officials portrayed the initiative as a further evolution of the president's pledge to give the United Nations a "vital role" in the rebuilding of Iraq. But it also marked a reversal for an administration that had once argued that the United Nations would become irrelevant if it failed to back the U.S.-led invasion earlier this year. For the first time, the administration is now indicating a willingness to give other nations a greater say in Iraq's future.

"With the resolution, you're essentially putting the Security Council into the game," said Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, who promoted the proposal in a blitz of phone calls to his foreign counterparts.

The spiraling cost of the Iraqi occupation was hinted by L. Paul Bremer, the top U.S. civilian administrator in Iraq, last month when he said during a visit to Washington that "several tens of billions" of dollars will be needed over the next year to cover security and construction costs, revive the economy and help the Iraqis form a government.

But the administration has until now been reluctant to put a firm figure on its budget request. The request for new money, which has yet to be formally sent to Congress, follows a $79 billion wartime budget supplement for Iraq and Afghanistan that Bush signed in April. The administration must regularly approach Congress to fund ongoing military operations because they are not normally covered by the Pentagon budget.

A White House spokesman said last night that the request for new money "has not been finalized." Other officials said the budget package has not yet been presented to Bush.

Congressional aides said the White House is discussing a variety of breakdowns for the spending. But one proposal would allocate about $55 billion for the Pentagon and $10 billion for reconstruction. Most of the money would be designated for Iraq, and a small part for Afghanistan.

Sen. Rick Santorum (R-Pa.) said Bush gave no specific figures about his budget request during a meeting with Republican congressional leaders at the White House yesterday. The president told the leadership he is "not running this war out of Washington" and is going to adopt the requests of Bremer and Army Gen. John Abizaid, who as head of the U.S. Central Command is responsible for Iraq, Santorum said. Abizaid is scheduled to meet with members of the House and Senate Armed Services committees in closed sessions on Capitol Hill today.

"We were very clear that what the president wants, he's going to get," Santorum said.

The administration yesterday began circulating the draft U.N. resolution among Security Council members. Foreign diplomats welcomed the administration's willingness to expand the circle of decision-making on Iraq, but it was unclear whether the administration's refusal to give up political power in Iraq in the near term would overcome the continuing bitterness over the administration's decision to launch a war after failing to win approval for a U.N. resolution authorizing military action. U.S. officials aim to begin bargaining next week in hopes of winning a deal before the U.N. General Assembly opens later this month.

"It's going to be tough," said one U.S. official familiar with the reaction to Powell's calls to his counterparts in France, Germany, Britain, Russia and other key countries. "It's going to be particularly tough with the French," who led the opposition to a resolution authorizing the use of force and who have been demanding a central role for the United Nations in postwar Iraq.

In particular, diplomats are eager to understand how much authority on political matters the United States would give to the Iraqis or the Security Council. "The big, big question mark is who will continue to be the [political] authority in Iraq," a senior council diplomat said. "Is it the U.N. or the U.S.? How could the U.N. create a multilateral force, led by the United States, and not be the international authority in the country?"

Another U.N. diplomat who has seen the draft resolution welcomed the U.S. decision to go beyond the military issue to cover the politics of Iraq -- specifically to give Iraqis a defined role in developing a constitution and a timetable for the transition to democracy.

The draft calls for an enhancement of the role of a U.S.-appointed Iraqi council, which has 25 members. It asks the Security Council "to endorse the Governing Council as the principal body of the Iraqi interim administration."

That could prove to be a problem, however, because the Governing Council has not been widely recognized. The Arab League has refused to recognize it, as have such institutions as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.

"The main question is whether the Governing Council will be accepted, respected and endorsed by the Security Council and the Arab world," a council diplomat said. "Some people call Chalabi a marionette from Washington," he added, referring to Ahmed Chalabi, the chairman of the Governing Council, who has close ties to the Pentagon.

Left vague are the relative roles of the Coalition Provisional Authority, led by Bremer, and the United Nations itself. A question remains about what authority the occupation officials and the United Nations would have if they did not approve of the Iraqi draft constitution or timetable, the diplomat noted.

Diplomats said the structure of the military force is less of a concern, in part because it appears it would follow the model of previous forces in Kosovo, East Timor and elsewhere, and in part because most of the other nations on the Security Council are not interested in shouldering the burden. India, Pakistan and Turkey are expected to be the largest source of potential troops. Only Pakistan has a seat on the Security Council.

Sources said that the security part of the resolution's text has already been shown to Pakistan and India, and that the objective right now for the administration is to get them to agree to send in troops.

Powell said he got a "positive response" in his calls, but he noted that "this is before they have studied the resolution and had a chance to make their own judgments. And as I've discovered with these resolutions, there's a large difference between an 'and' and an 'or.' "

Staff writers Peter Slevin and Karen DeYoung contributed to this report.

© 2003 The Washington Post Company



To: Alighieri who wrote (174892)9/4/2003 1:59:30 AM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1579772
 
What is this?

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Published on Wednesday, September 3, 2003 by the Chicago Tribune

Outrage and a 2nd Anniversary
Air Quality Suffered After Sept. 11

by Carol Marin

Good guys tell the truth.

Bad guys don't.

Isn't that right?

Then somebody better explain that to the Environmental Protection Agency and the White House.

You might have missed the story because it broke last week, at a time when many of us were away grabbing one last gasp of vacation.

The headlines sum it up. "Toxic deception" wrote The Baltimore Sun. "Trust left in the dust" declared the Los Angeles Times.

The reports have to do with how the EPA, at the urging of the White House, misled the public about air quality in New York City following the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. And the damning evidence doesn't come from some partisan politician or investigative reporter. It comes from the EPA itself and its own internal watchdog, the inspector general.

The nut of the story is this: Immediately after the terrorist attack in New York City, the White House strong-armed the EPA and told it to play down any talk about just how polluted the air might have become.

When Christie Todd Whitman, then the head of the EPA, assured the public just days after the attacks that the air was safe to breathe, she had little or no scientific evidence to back it up. The EPA did not even begin testing dust and debris until 10 days after the attack. And even then some particle samples weren't taken until October when some clean-up had already taken place.

What's worse, much worse, is how the White House, through its Council on Environmental Quality, reached in to rewrite EPA press releases in order to, according to the inspector general, "add reassuring statements and delete cautionary ones." Like the line the White House took out saying, "Even at low levels, EPA considers asbestos hazardous in this situation." When it came to asbestos levels, the White House preferred to say asbestos levels were "not a cause for public concern."

Why?

"National security and a desire to reopen Wall Street" says the inspector general.

It's mind-boggling.

Even though we have all seen the attacks and aftermath of Sept. 11 re-rerun on television dozens, if not hundreds, of times, I watch it each time as though it's the first time.

Even now, almost two years after the attack on the World Trade Center, I have trouble remembering with precision all the tiny details of that day.

Part of the reason, experts tell me, is that if you're running for your life, you focus on surviving, not on observing.

Working for "CBS News" in New York that day, I raced to the scene just after the terrorists flew two passenger planes into the World Trade Center's twin towers and was less than two blocks away when the north tower roared and shuddered and blew into billions of big and little bits that came crashing down.

Within seconds, the morning light went black as night. It was impossible to see and nearly impossible to breathe. The air was a dense micro-dust of pulverized furniture and fixtures mixed with the tragic ashes of all the people trapped inside. Everyone that day and every day that followed wondered what was in the air and in the inches of white, ashy dust that settled outside on the ground, inside apartments and in our own lungs. We now know the laundry list of possibilities: asbestos, PCBs, chromium, benzene, mercury, lead, glass and concrete.

But early on we had EPA's assurances that the air quickly cleared and the exposure and contamination risk was low-level at best.

I want to believe my government when it tells me something.

So do the 6,100 patients of Dr. Steven Levin of Mt. Sinai Medical Center in New York. The health of these patients is now under study. Levin told Newsday last week that "People went back to their apartments because Christie Todd Whitman said it was safe. I have patients who knew it was wrong--they could feel it. But their employer said, `The EPA says it's safe.' If I have outrage over anything this is it. Who do you believe? If you can't trust the EPA, it's a terrible consequence for public health."

Marianne Lamont Horinko, who replaced Whitman and is the EPA's acting head, dismisses and discounts her own inspector general's findings, telling The New York Times "It's almost like an academic look at an average emergency, and 9/11 wasn't academic or average." The White House's role, she argues, was overblown.

But no one, not even Horinko, can say what the long-term and lasting health consequences of Sept. 11 will be. Experts say it will take years to know.

Then there's the matter of public trust.

There are only so many times a public can be told something by its government, only to find out later it's not true.

As we approach the second anniversary of the terror attacks on Sept. 11, it's worth remembering that good guys tell the truth.

Carol Marin is a Chicago journalist and former CBS correspondent.

Copyright © 2003, Chicago Tribune