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To: KLP who wrote (6726)9/4/2003 2:44:31 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793598
 
Newt has played it very smart since leaving the House. He has concentrated on Health Care and The State Department.

Newt shapes Med conference
Former Speaker Gingrich injects ideas into debate
By Bob Cusack - The Hill

Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.), one of the most controversial figures in Medicare's annals, is playing a surprisingly significant role in congressional discussions to revamp the system.

As lawmakers struggle to craft a merged House-Senate prescription drug bill, Gingrich is lobbying for policies that were not included in either chamber's version.

There are signals that Gingrich is winning over initial skeptics and that some of his proposals will be included in the final draft.

Gingrich said he has been in regular communication with the White House and key players on Capitol Hill, including Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.) and House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Bill Thomas (R-Calif.).

Spokespeople for Frist and Thomas did not return phone calls seeking comment.
Joseph Antos, a healthcare expert and colleague of Gingrich at the American Enterprise Institute, said, ?He is talking to everybody, and he?s getting very important people to listen to him.?

Gingrich?s ultimate goal is to revolutionize the healthcare system. In the past decade, the defense, airline and banking industries have been restructured and made more efficient, he pointed out, but the healthcare system has lagged behind and as a result is riddled with both medical inefficiencies and escalating costs.

He wants an electronics-based system that stresses prevention, innovation and quality.

One idea that may have legs is to pay hospitals more money for enhanced patient care. Gingrich said it is ridiculous for the worst performing hospitals to be paid the most by Medicare. The notion of paying more for quality care is not contained in either the House or Senate bills but has since been embraced by the Bush administration.

While most in Washington were vacationing during the congressional recess, Gingrich was busy pushing his ideas.

He pitched his proposals to The Wall Street Journal and at several seminars, including one held in the Capitol last month. Those events coincided with the release of his new book, Saving Lives & Saving Money.

But Gingrich said he is trying to influence policy, not to sell books.

At the Aug. 18 Hill seminar, Gingrich told The Hill, ?This is not a PR event. I?m not doing this for fun.?

Asked why he waited so long to push his ideas, Gingrich said he was told to hold off until conference talks began.

Many healthcare experts expect many new provisions to come out of conference.

Antos agreed, saying it is better to be involved later than earlier.

Gingrich has been careful not to say which chamber?s legislation is better. However, he makes comments that suggest strongly that he believes neither bill by itself is the answer.

?It is virtually impossible to get a transformation of Medicare if the two bills are boundaries,? he said Aug. 18. He later added, ?There?s a chance to grow them into better bills.?

If lawmakers fumble on reforming Medicare, Gingrich said, the consequences would be dire. ?If we do this badly, we are going to guarantee a mess,? he said.

Gingrich is one of the most polarizing figures in recent political history. His battles with some within his own party and with President Clinton are part of Washington lore. He remains a lightning rod for controversy, and Democrats often invoke his name when they criticize Republican policies.

On Oct. 24, 1995, Gingrich uttered what may be the most controversial statement in Medicare's history. Democrats alleged that he said Medicare "should wither on the vine."

But Gingrich and other Republicans insisted that he said the government agency that runs Medicare should wither on the vine.

Even though the comment was made nearly eight years ago, Gingrich?s quote has been referred to more than 20 times on the House and Senate floor this year.

Gingrich's role could be an inviting target for congressional Democrats who are wary of the proposed prescription drug plans. Speculation has arisen in some informed quarters that it is only a matter of time before Democrats on the Medicare conference committee, who have already complained of not being included in every relevant meeting, walk out.

In an interview with The Hill last month, House Energy and Commerce ranking member John Dingell (D-Mich.) said, "I'll tell the truth in conference, or I'll tell the truth outside the conference."

Gingrich admitted he is a partisan Republican but said his ideas to transform Medicare are bipartisan. His Aug. 18 seminar on Capitol Hill was "held in cooperation" with House Republican Conference Chair Deborah Pryce (R-Ohio) and Sens. Rick Santorum (R-Pa.) and Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.).

The AARP, long regarded by Republicans as a liberal-leaning group, has said Gingrich's ideas are influencing how it thinks about its national role on health promotion and disease prevention. The senior citizens support and lobbying group said his ideas "are based on real-life examples of entrepreneurial changes people are making across the healthcare system throughout the country."

Gingrich has not shied away from challenging lawmakers or industry sectors. He has chided the insurance industry for how long it takes to pay claims and said the drug industry is on the wrong side of the argument on its high drug prices.

He has taken on conservatives for thinking they can change the Medicare system for current enrollees, a move that Gingrich dubs "not politically viable.: He also said the current Medicare bills "make no sense to normal people."

Although it is unclear which of his ideas will move forward, Gingrich is regarded as a player in the discussions that could lead to the greatest expansion of Medicare since its inception.

He said reforming Medicare would be the largest single domestic change since President Lyndon Johnson's "Great Society" of 1965.

"This could be a remarkable 60 to 90 days," he said.
thehill.com



To: KLP who wrote (6726)9/4/2003 2:54:40 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793598
 
What lures stars into politics?

By Michael Medved - USA TODAY

Arnold Schwarzenegger's gubernatorial campaign raises a series of fascinating questions, the most perplexing of all being why an international star of his stature would ever want to run in the first place. Why, in fact, have so many actors and actresses abandoned the original source of their fame and fortune to pursue chancy, grubby, often heart-breaking adventures in the electoral arena?

The answer reflects the insecurity that leads these luminaries to undergo the serious discomforts of politics in the hope that the world will take them more seriously.

Certainly, major celebrities would see few practical gains from running for office. On the most obvious level, if Arnold wins his race, the pay cut would be drastic. He received $30 million for Terminator 3: Rise of the Machines ; as governor of California he'd earn $175,000 -- so he'd need to serve more than 170 years to make up what he got from a single film. And he'd be prevented from working on future movie projects (including a promising new version of Westworld, yet another movie about killer robots).

Even worse, Schwarzenegger will find the skittish members of the legislature and the political press in Sacramento vastly less eager to indulge his whims and his will than the fawning yes-people who surround him in Hollywood. On every level, the Austrian Oak must prepare for a less comfortable, less glamorous life if transplanted to the state capital. The governor's mansion is far more modest than his Beverly Hills digs, and every detail of his daily schedule will receive painstaking evaluation by pundits and the public.

Other entertainment stars have gone through similar transformations, trading pampered celebrity lives for the unpredictable rough-and-tumble of practical politics:

* Ronald Reagan, of course, was a Republican governor of California who went through a painful defeat in the 1976 presidential race before winning four years later.

* In the 1940s, glamorous actress Helen Gahagan (the wife of acclaimed star Melvyn Douglas) served several terms in Congress, then lost a bruising California Senate race to Richard Nixon.

* Hollywood song-and-dance man George Murphy won a Senate seat in 1964, but failed ignominiously in his first bid for re-election.

* Former child star Shirley Temple lost her bid for a House seat, but singer Sonny Bono, Dukes of Hazard star Ben Jones and Love Boat stalwart Fred Grandy all won election to the House and earned their Capitol colleagues' respect.

Cynics might point out that none of these celebrities were at the height of their fame when they abandoned their entertainment careers, but it wouldn't be fair to characterize their decisions as the desperate maneuvers of has-been stars. Reagan remained a popular TV presence (General Electric Theatre, Death Valley Days) when he shifted his attention to campaigning for Barry Goldwater in '64 and running for governor in '66. Schwarzenegger's Terminator 3 represents his most successful film in years and has led producers to pursue him for future vehicles. In today's celebrity- and nostalgia-obsessed culture, with countless outlets on cable TV, the radio, night clubs and touring theater, even faded stars can secure abundant work without resorting to politics.

But such enterprises, while profitable financially, may not deliver a sense of satisfaction, leaving restless celebrities uncertain about the lasting worth of their endeavors. Actors and actresses, no matter how much their fans may admire them, crave constant validation. This leads to the fierce emphasis on every sort of public recognition, from the Oscar ceremonies to an ever-growing array of lesser prizes (Golden Globes, Emmys, MTV Awards, People's Choice Awards, Golden Satellite Awards, Screen Actors Guild Awards and so on.)

For many celebrities, securing the public's votes can prove even more reassuring than winning an election by members of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. When actress Sally Field responded to her second Oscar by declaring, ''You like me! You really, really like me!'' she revealed the hunger for popular encouragement that gnaws at many celebrities. If Schwarzenegger gets the chance to claim victory on election night in California, he probably won't quote Field, but his exultation would reflect the satisfaction of a similar need. He might feel proud of the professionalism behind Predator or Kindergarten Cop , but he can hardly claim that they profoundly enrich or influence the general culture. The job of governor, on the other hand, offers the chance to make a lasting impact on every citizen of the state.

Most Americans regard even those Hollywood performers they enjoy the most as fascinating but frivolous. No matter how much contempt or boredom our leading office holders might inspire, they influence our lives too obviously for anyone to call them irrelevant or insignificant.

This perspective helps explain another mystery about the phenomenon of actors pursuing public office: Why has the political bug never bitten the industry's most critically acclaimed performers? Stars such as Julia Roberts, Susan Sarandon, Dustin Hoffman, Barbra Streisand and Michael Douglas have plenty to say about public issues, but they don't look seriously at running for office. That's because such artistically celebrated stars already receive abundant confirmation that their work is significant, valuable, powerfully influential. They don't need election night victory parties or legislative triumphs to support the conviction that they play a serious role in our world.

For Schwarzenegger and other actor-politicians, on the other hand, playing parts as office holders may erase lingering doubts about the significance of what they do and, despite attendant inconveniences, may qualify as the most satisfying roles of their careers.

Film critic Michael Medved hosts a daily, nationally syndicated radio show focusing on the intersection of politics and pop culture. He is a member of USA TODAY's board of contributors.

usatoday.com