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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (6995)9/7/2003 6:53:07 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793800
 
The left has always led on Federal money for education. How they can "cave" to the Teacher's Unions on such an obvious situation as the DC one is beyond me. It is really going to hurt them with the Public.

Why vouchers for D.C.?
By Deborah Simmons
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
Published September 5, 2003

There is a striking consensus about public education in the nation's capital: The school system generally fails the very children it is designedtoeducate.Spending, not funding, is a culprit. So are the lack of quality faculty and administrators. Safety and security are problems, too. And, when it comes to textbooks, facilities, equipment and other tangible resources tied directlytoeducational standards, suffice it to say that D.C. Public Schools are sorely lacking. As a result,poorschoolchildren are mortgaging their futures ? and by default, those of their children.
Yet, taxpayer-financed vouchers,whichwould broadly open the doors to many an opportunity, continue to draw stiff opposition. The National Education Association, the largest of America's unionofteachers,is adamantly opposed to vouchers ? certainly annoyed by the fact that teachers at private and parochial schools can ill afford to set up children to fail year after with no repercussions. The National School Boards Association, the National Parent Teachers Association, the American Federation of Teachers, People for the American Way and many, many other special interest groups ? all of which consider it their mission to uphold the status quo ? also oppose publicly funded voucher programs.
What's particularly galling about these groups is that they want you to believe that they are advocates for children. They want you to believe their lies, their hyperbole and their rhetoric ? even the hypocrisy of it all.
Opponents claim that the legislation under consideration on Capitol Hill will not provide enough money for poor children to attend private schools. They lie. The federal legislation would provide scholarships of up to $7,500. That is more than enough money to cover private-school tuition in the District, where the median grade-school tuition is only $4,500. Moreover, there simply is no comparison to the cost of public tuition vs. private ? at least not in dollar figures. D.C. Public Schools spent $10,107 per pupil in 1999-2000, while the national average was $6,911.MayorTony Williams, meanwhile, has increased school spending by nearly 38 percent, so funding was not the problem.
Opponents also lie about discrimination, claiming that religious schools would be permitted to discriminate. Well, many a non-Catholic family pays tuition or receives scholarships for their children to attend Catholic schools and you don't hear too many of them complaining. But, for those critics who would bat that down as mere anecdotal evidence understand this: The Senate voucher legislation contains language that would prohibit private schools from religious discrimination involving students.
The hypocrisy of the anti-school choicers ought to be obvious by now.
GIs use education and housing vouchers.
People on fixed incomes use housing vouchers.
Indigent mothers use vouchers via the Women's Infants and Children's program, or WIC.
College students use vouchers for federal grants.
Welfare recipients use vouchers.
The District's special education students use vouchers to attend schools ? sometimes boarding schools ? outside the city.
Families who have been flooded out or burned out of their homes use vouchers for emergency food, clothing and housing.
Heck, even drug addicts use vouchers for drug-treatment programs.
Why not vouchers for poor D.C. school children?
The vouchers would be used for children who, most often through absolutely no fault of their own, are forced to attend failing schools simply because their families cannot afford any other option.
But some organizations, like People for the (so-called) American Way, tell you lies and distort reality. They espouse equality, but withhold the truth.
They don't tell you that one of the primary reasons that many urban school districts have high per-pupil expenditures and low test scores is because they want all schools to be equal. They want level playing fields. It is an impossible goal. Then they color their rhetoric with the Brown vs. Board of Education ruling. They want you to think that poor little black or brown children could get a head start if we just feed them more hot grits in the morning and fresher endive salads in the afternoon. Never mind that middle-class and wealthy children might not eat grits. They want you to think that if urban school teachers were paid more that, somehow by osmosis, those salaries would also mean smarter poor children.
It is time that we call the anti-choice movement precisely what it is ? and I wish (how I wish) that I could use these words in this newspaper. But I'll settle for a prayer that Congress will do the right thing.
See, nearly three generations after the 1954 Brown desegregation ruling, poor children are still being shortchanged. Only this time, it is the people on the left who are holding them back.

dynamic.washtimes.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (6995)9/7/2003 9:49:40 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793800
 
The "Times" see Abbas resigning as a defeat for us. I see it as the inevitable result that the Admin figured might happen. Am I smarter than the Editors at the "Times?" Of course not. I am just willing to face what is really going on. Why aren't they? Doesn't make the Admin look bad.

NEWS ANALYSIS
The U.S. Option: Staying the Course
By STEVEN R. WEISMAN

WASHINGTON, Sept. 6 - The sudden resignation of Mahmoud Abbas as prime minister of the Palestinian Authority stunned Bush administration officials today and raised fresh questions about the administration's strategy of trying to marginalize Yasir Arafat and work only with so-called moderate Palestinians to achieve peace with Israel.

But administration officials said that despite the enormous setback to the administration's plan, known as the road map, to establish a Palestinian state in three years, and the further complication of Israel's attack on a leader of Hamas today ? there was little choice but to keep soldiering on with its basic approach and hope that a successor to Mr. Abbas could serve as an effective partner in peace talks.

A bitter consequence of the day's developments was that, with Iraq still deeply unsettled, it will now be even harder for President Bush to paint an optimistic picture when he addresses the nation on terrorism on Sunday night, a speech evidently scheduled before reports late Friday that Mr. Abbas might resign.

The official White House reaction to Mr. Abbas's resignation was cautious, masking the administration's deep dismay today. A statement called on the Palestinian legislature to "act in a way that empowers the prime minister" no matter who is selected, and said that "all parties" needed to "consider carefully the consequences of their actions."

Those were code words, administration officials said, for an appeal to the Palestinians to choose a new prime minister who could succeed where Mr. Abbas could not in wresting control of security forces from Mr. Arafat, quelling violence against Israelis and making it possible for Israel to ease its grip over the West Bank and Gaza.

A diplomat associated with the peace process said this evening, however, that it would be extremely difficult for any successor of Mr. Abbas to do just that.

"The post of prime minister has become a poisoned chalice," he said, in part because anyone who tried to stand up to Mr. Arafat would be seen as a pawn of the United States and Israel. "The structural issues at play are deeply disturbing. I don't know if anyone can step into this situation and pull it off."

The White House's statement had code words for Israel, too, but they were quickly challenged. The talk of considering "consequences" was meant to serve as an appeal to Israel to exercise restraint, administration officials said, even as Israel was unleashing new attacks on Hamas leaders and provoking more fury from Palestinians.

Administration officials said that as recently as a couple of weeks ago, it was becoming clear that Mr. Abbas's bid to challenge Mr. Arafat was faltering.

That perception, they said, helped account for Secretary of State Colin L. Powell's unusual appeal to Mr. Arafat after the latest Jerusalem bus bombing last month to do more to cooperate with him, a startling statement given the administration's efforts to sideline the Palestinian leader and treat him as a non-person for more than a year.

Now the administration has little choice but to watch as the Palestinians choose a successor to Mr. Abbas, and to hope he will have better luck in challenging Mr. Arafat.

"Whoever becomes prime minister, whether it's someone we like or someone we don't like or someone we don't know, he will have to keep trying to get control of Palestinian security forces," said an administration official. "We knew that this process could lead to a train wreck, but it's the only path worth pursuing."

Since Mr. Bush's inauguration, events in Israel have forced constant adjustments by the administration. First, administration officials were openly disdainful of the way President Clinton had become personally engaged in the Middle East peace effort. In the view of many, Mr. Bush's predecessor had actually made the situation worse by trying and failing to broker a deal in the waning weeks of his term.

Not until this year, after the Iraq war, did the administration become more involved itself, in large part because of pressure from European and Arab allies to show, as they put it, as much zeal in achieving peace in the region as in making war.

It was then that, despite resistance from Ariel Sharon, the Israeli prime minister, Mr. Bush endorsed the road map ? a series of reciprocal actions that would supposedly be carried out by both sides ? drafted by the United States in partnership with the European Union, the secretary general of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, and the Russians.

By itself, as Aaron David Miller, a former Middle East negotiator in this administration and several of its predecessors, noted, the road map was "not implementable." The only thing that mattered was the familiar task faced by many American presidents of getting each side to take steps to build confidence in the other.

The road map languished for a year before the administration endorsed it. It did so only after someone could be appointed prime minister and supplant Mr. Arafat as the Palestinian representative in the negotiations.

But there was never any doubt in the minds of the Europeans, Arabs and others that Mr. Arafat would still be able to sabotage the process by preventing a crackdown by Palestinians on Palestinian militant groups, the prerequisite demanded by Israel for taking actions of its own.

Indeed, the administration has been irritated with its road map partners over their rebuffing of American pleas to stop meeting with Mr. Arafat when they visit Israel.

While the Bush administration has blamed Mr. Arafat, there has also been a feeling among some that Israel had not done enough to shore up Mr. Abbas so he could stand up to Mr. Arafat and take action against Hamas and other militant groups.

nytimes.com