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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (6996)9/7/2003 5:56:20 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793773
 
Maybe we can just get rid of the pollsters

In California Race, an Online Invitation to Profit

By Guy Gugliotta
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, September 7, 2003; Page A06

Put your money where your mouth is. Will California voters keep Davis? Will they get rid of him and pick Schwarzenegger? Or will it be Bustamante? And if so, by how much?

At the Iowa Electronic Markets,http://www.biz.uiowa.edu/iem/, you can spend $5 or $500 online buying and selling futures for the California recall election, with 12 different outcomes open for trading and an opportunity to treble your investment if you don't let sentiment get in the way of greed.

"We ask you to think about not what you want to happen, but what you think is going to happen," said Joyce Berg, a member of IEM's board of directors and an accounting professor at the University of Iowa's Henry B. Tippie College of Business -- inventor and custodian of the electronic market. "You make money here by buying low and selling high."

IEM traders are predicting that about 54 percent of California voters will choose to recall Gov. Gray Davis (D), that actor Arnold Schwarzenegger (R) will get around 39 percent of the gubernatorial vote, and that Lt. Gov. Cruz M. Bustamante (D) will get 32 percent.

But the market has been running only since Aug. 27, and the differences are still wide between the buying prices bid on various outcomes ("contracts") and the selling prices asked for them. With more "traders" and more transactions, the differences between "bid" and "ask" will shrink.

Berg noted, for instance, that bidders late Friday were willing to buy a Schwarzenegger contract for 34 cents (corresponding to his predicted percentage of the vote), but sellers wanted 45 cents: "If somebody asked me today, 'Could you pick a winner?' -- to me, it says no," Berg said. "The more traders you have, the better the data and the smaller the spreads. This is far from over."

Sound confusing? That was the intention, at least in part.

The IEM was the brainchild of a group of University of Iowa professors dismayed at the quality of polling during the 1988 presidential election. Could markets do a better job?

There were several advantages. "Markets are good at aggregating information," Berg said. A political futures market would reflect not only polling data, but also knowledge gleaned from newspaper stories, television appearances, stump speeches, debates, and assessments of the effectiveness of spin and strategy -- all of this crystallized into a single money number rating the likelihood of a given outcome.

This approach has two advantages over polls, Berg said. Traders do not cross their fingers, lie to the pollster and hope for the best -- they're risking money, albeit modest sums. Second, the market does not worry about "likely voters," "Latinos," "union members" or "elderly voters."

"Our traders aren't a random sample," Berg said. "We want informed people who are interested." Traders will have seen the poll numbers for various ethnic, age, regional and occupational groupings and will use the information in their investment decisions. If they don't do it right, disaster awaits.

"We have found this to be an excellent way to teach students about markets," Berg added. "In general, students don't appreciate the rule that if you don't know anything, you probably don't want to be trading."

Since 1988, the IEM has traded more than 50 markets in 13 countries. In elections for which the IEM had polling data, the market outperformed the polls by a bit more than four-tenths of 1 percent. Polls averaged 1.93 percent deviation from actual outcomes, whereas the market averaged 1.53 percent.

IEM was significantly more accurate than the polls in the 1988 and 1992 U.S. presidential elections, significantly less so in 1996, and ended in the middle of the pack, as muddled as anyone, in 2000.

IEM was clearly the inspiration for the Defense Department's effort to develop an online futures market to predict terrorist events, an initiative that was abandoned this summer. Berg called this an "interesting idea" and noted that regardless of the morality of such an enterprise, it would probably be difficult for a terrorist to bid up the possibility of an attack in one place while setting up another target.

"In the political markets, you can try to push the price up for one candidate, but it will move right back down," Berg said. "Other traders will say 'this is stupid,' and the bubble will burst. And besides, efforts to game the system are very detectable."

The California recall election presents unusual challenges for IEM because the balloting is double-barreled, and the second-round results, in the event that Davis averts being recalled, would not be published.

To get around this dilemma, IEM put together two packages -- one on Davis's prospects and the other on the second ballot question: Who should replace Davis if he is recalled? As in all IEM markets, traders could predict voting percentages or simple win-lose outcomes.

The resulting array of possibilities can be bewildering not only to rookies but also to seasoned political junkies. Former Clinton White House official Mark Kleiman, a public policy expert at the University of California at Los Angeles, used IEM last week to predict that Bustamante had a 40 percent chance of being governor "when the dust clears," with Davis and Schwarzenegger at 30 percent apiece.

"Wrong," he wrote on his Web site a couple of days later, after watching IEM. Recalculating, he gave Schwarzenegger 37 percent, with Bustamante at 33 percent and Davis holding at 30 percent.

But in a telephone interview the next day, he reconsidered yet again.

"Maybe large numbers of Democrats will only vote if they see Schwarzenegger move ahead," Kleiman said. "Maybe that's why the traders go for Bustamante."

washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (6996)9/7/2003 6:05:41 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793773
 
Going to be the standard, "You must sacrifice, I will lead you!" Sounds like you can skip it and watch the highlights. It would be torture to subject you to thirty minutes of Bush. Not your kind of "teamwork."

In Speech, Bush to Ask Americans and Allies for Teamwork on Iraq

By Mike Allen
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, September 7, 2003; Page A21

President Bush will use a prime-time address tonight to make a conciliatory appeal to countries that opposed the war in Iraq and will warn Americans that peace will take much more time, administration officials said yesterday. He also is likely to reveal the amount of money he plans to request from Congress for Iraq next year, officials said.

The tone and content of the 8:30 p.m. White House address will continue a fundamental reworking of the administration's Iraq strategy that first became apparent last week when Bush decided to negotiate for a U.N. mandate for a multinational force in Iraq as a way to attract more troops and money from allies.

"The president will reflect on the fact that we didn't all agree on how to confront the threat from Iraq, but that's behind us and we need to focus on the future," a senior administration official said. "Iraq is now the central battlefield in the war on terror. These attacks have been on the civilized world. Collectively, we have an interest in getting this right."

Bush has resisted giving the United Nations greater control in Iraq, and his aides described no significant concessions in the speech. The senior official said Bush will say that "long-term success will require increased international cooperation, among other ingredients."

In a possible sign of Bush's willingness to reach out, officials said he may try to mend sour relations with German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder by meeting when Bush goes to the United Nations for a speech in two weeks. Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, in remarks aimed abroad, said Friday that Bush has "a strategy of partnerships" with other nations.

The president's speech, to last about 15 minutes, comes at a time of growing concern in the White House. Bush is ramping up his reelection campaign against the backdrop of persistent job losses, and Democratic presidential candidates have seized on his handling of postwar Iraq as a potential vulnerability. Only months ago, Bush's strategists saw his handling of the war on terrorism as a political trump card, and Democrats had planned generally to focus on other topics as much as possible.

"He'll make it very clear that our success in Iraq is directly linked to the security of the American people and to peace in a vital part of the world," the administration official said. "It will require a sustained commitment of time as well as sacrifice."

Until now, Bush's speeches about Iraq have said little about a need for sacrifices from society as a whole.

Analysts called the address an attempt by Bush to take command at a time when his justification for the war has proved factually flawed, his planning for the occupation is being criticized as inadequate, and Iraq is beset by rising sectarianism, sabotage and chaos.

Ivo H. Daalder, a senior foreign-policy fellow at the Brookings Institution, said he sees no indication that Bush plans to redress the concerns that have made foreign governments reluctant to contribute money or troops to the occupation.

"This is typical Bush: 'I know what's right; here is what's right; you have to do what I tell you to do,' " Daalder said. "They think they can fix this with a speech instead of doing the hard work of traveling to these countries and convincing them that we're willing to listen to their point of view and figure out what they need for us to do in order for us to do this together."

Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.) said Bush "should take this opportunity to acknowledge the administration's failures in Iraq and make it clear that he is willing to work as partners with our allies at the U.N. and achieve real compromise."

Another administration official said that sovereignty for Iraqis is a major focus of coalition efforts and that Bush will discuss "the benefits of returning a renewed Iraq to Iraqis in a democratic way," although he will not give a timetable.

As described by aides, Bush's speech will confront several Iraq-related questions that Congress has been imploring him to decide for months. A Republican official said Bush "will discuss in specific terms the amount of money that will be needed in the near future." The official said Bush waited so long to give a figure because he "felt an obligation that when he gave one, that it be accurate."

"This is an effort to remind people of the stakes," the official said. "That gets lost sometimes in the day-to-day quibbles about this fact or that fact, or that dollar amount or this dollar amount. You can see in the kinds of bombings that we've seen that the enemy understands the stakes."

Bush is trying to convince domestic and global audiences that he has followed a sound course in Iraq, but has struggled to win over either one. Polls have suggested a majority of U.S. voters think the United States should be reducing, not deepening, its involvement in Iraq. A Time/CNN poll released yesterday found that 49 percent of respondents thought the war has been worth its toll, and 43 percent said it has not been.

Bush also needs to convince skeptical members of the U.N. Security Council -- notably France and Germany -- that they should in effect endorse the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq after opposing the war. Leaders of both nations immediately rejected the administration's first draft of a resolution as giving the United Nations too small a role in Iraq and failing to provide for a fast-enough transfer of political control to Iraqis.

The senior administration official said Bush plans to argue "that a free, stable and democratic Iraq in the center of the Middle East will be a serious blow to hateful ideologies of terror."

A major section of the speech will be devoted to progress that the administration contends is occurring. The U.S.-appointed Iraqi Governing Council named a 25-member cabinet Monday to take over key ministries, and the administration says that 46,000 Iraqi police officers are on the job and that 90 percent of towns and cities have functioning local governments.

Bush does not plan to announce the discovery of any nuclear, chemical or biological weapons in Iraq, his staff said. He will defend the U.S. troop level in Iraq but does not plan to announce any increase, officials said.

Aides said Bush will seek to rebut the notion that the deaths of U.S. soldiers in guerrilla and large-scale attacks in Iraq bear any relation to the fact that the United States had emphasized planning for humanitarian and refugee crises and was left less prepared for security and infrastructure emergencies.

"This is not the local Iraqi who is now frustrated that he doesn't have electricity or running water," the official said. "These attacks have been on religious sites and on the U.N. and have been very sophisticated. That is separate from the issue of reconstruction."

Bush's last prime-time address was May 1 from the deck of the USS Abraham Lincoln, when he declared an end to major combat operations in Iraq. "The tyrant has fallen, and Iraq is free," he said, to applause.

© 2003 The Washington Post Company



To: JohnM who wrote (6996)9/7/2003 6:44:36 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793773
 
You "sighed" when I posted the stats on the rise in illegitimacy caused by the "Great Society" welfare programs. That was the great Liberal Failure you probably liked at the time. Now we are continuing to see the success of the welfare reform act, which I am sure you disliked.

People leaving welfare
THE WASHINGTON TIMES - Editorial
Published September 7, 2003

Welfare rolls continue to shrink, but don't expect to hear Republicans get any credit for the reform they championed and eventually pressured Bill Clinton to sign into law in 1996. Just about the only topic that unites the entire motley crew of Democratic presidential aspirants is the claim that George W. Bush and Republicans in Congress are leading the nation to disaster, both economically and militarily. Even Teamsters boss James Hoffa, who is considered less leftist than other labor leaders and has been the target of unwanted Republican affection, lashed out at the commander in chief last week. "I don't think he understands the economy; he doesn't understand the problems working families are having, losing their jobs," Mr. Hoffa said. Democratic candidate Howard Dean, representing the line spouted by his fellow Democrats, criticized the Republican president, because supposedly, "He promised us jobs; he's taken away jobs." Partisan rhetoric aside, the numbers are beginning to tell a different story.
According to a report released by the Department of Health and Human Services, the number of Americans dependent on welfare checks is dropping. From March 2002 to March 2003, individual welfare recipients declined by 4.3 percent. In the same time frame, the number of families with children needing welfare dropped 2 percent. Since welfare-to-work policies became national law eight years ago, individuals on welfare have declined by 59.5 percent and welfare families by 53.7 percent. The good news is not limited to this dramatic decline in welfare recipients. Employment numbers are improving, too. The Labor Department reported on Friday that a net of 19,000 new jobs were created in August. After six months of declining payrolls, a turn toward job growth is a good sign of economic progress.
So, if the economy is showing hints of improvement, why are Democrats still screaming that the sky is falling? Some of the hysterics are due to the presidential election next year, as Democrats are jockeying to position themselves as the most effective candidate to take on Mr. Bush and Republican policies. There are also legislative reasons for Democrats to decry the economy and defend the need for a stronger "safety net." The successful welfare reform of 1996, known as the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program, or TANF, expired last year. And although passed by the House, Senate Republicans have not been able to deliver passage in the upper chamber. Last week, Assistant HHS Secretary Wade F. Horn pushed for an update of the TANF law, saying, "We know that full-time work is the best route out of poverty." Democrats, however, are standing in the way. Many were opposed when Mr. Clinton signed welfare reform in the first place and now see an opportunity to set back the clock. It will be a sad day if Democrats succeed in scoring political points by stopping progress for the poor.



To: JohnM who wrote (6996)9/7/2003 7:21:28 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793773
 
I don't like the "Specter" of Specter. And this type of problem points up the error of the "Judicial Fiat" decision on "Row V Wade." We would not have this constant Judicial war if abortion had been settled legislatively.

CAMPAIGN 2004
Stop This Man
A specter haunts the Senate Judiciary Committee. His name is Arlen.

BY TIMOTHY P. CARNEY - WSJ.com
Sunday, September 7, 2003 12:01 a.m.

For all the troubles Senate Democrats have given President Bush and his judicial nominees, things may get worse if he wins a second term. Arlen Specter, a prickly moderate Republican with an independent streak, will become chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee after the 2004 elections--unless the GOP leadership or Pennsylvania's voters do something about it.

Sen. Specter, a perpetual irritant to Washington conservatives, is consistently one of the most liberal votes in the GOP. His demeanor has earned him the name "Snarlin' Arlen," and his record has led to a primary challenge from conservative Pat Toomey. But with the Judiciary Committee's gavel within Mr. Specter's reach, his treatment of Republican judicial nominees--past and present--is most alarming.

Because of GOP term limits on committee chairmen, Orrin Hatch will give up the Judiciary chairmanship after the elections. Mr. Specter will be next in seniority--assuming he's re-elected. The current case of conservative judicial nominee J. Leon Holmes, together with Mr. Specter's past record, ought to make the GOP buck seniority and skip Mr. Specter.

Mr. Specter voted for Mr. Holmes in committee, and has given no indication he might oppose the nomination on the Senate floor. Instead, Mr. Specter has privately approached GOP senators, telling them to vote down Judge Holmes when his nomination hits the floor. Maine's Susan Collins has received Mr. Specter's plea to sink Judge Holmes, and Senate staffers say Mr. Specter is whipping other moderate Republicans behind the scenes against President Bush's nominee--remarkable behavior for the potential future point-man on judicial confirmations.

Opposing Republican nominees is nothing new for Mr. Specter. Most notably, he played a critical role in killing the Supreme Court nomination of Robert Bork, President Reagan's nominee. Tom Korologos, Judge Bork's shepherd in 1987, credits Mr. Specter with the "game-winning RBI" in the fight to keep Judge Bork off the bench.

Mr. Specter played central roles in the Judiciary Committee rejections of Reagan nominees Jeff Sessions (now a senator from Alabama) and William Bradford Reynolds, whose rejection to a Justice Department position the Washington Post called "a stinging political slap at President Reagan." Currently, Mr. Specter has made it public that he may oppose Alabama's attorney general, William Pryor, and Los Angeles County Judge Carolyn Kuhl--both conservative Bush nominees to the federal bench--on the Senate floor. With Judge Holmes, he is far less honest but even more staunch in his opposition.

The Judiciary chairman is counted on (assuming a Republican White House and Senate) to serve as a nominee's champion in committee hearings and before the full Senate. With Mr. Specter as chairman, the White House would have no such champion. Mr. Specter's articulated constitutional principles are dramatically at odds with those of the White House.

In his book about himself, "Passion for Truth," Mr. Specter proudly takes credit for the Bork sinking, explaining, "Bork's narrow approach is dangerous for constitutional government." Yet the judge's "narrow approach"--strict contructionism--is also President Bush's cherished view of constitutional interpretation. If the president is to deliver on his promise--essential to motivating his conservative base--to place strict constructionist judges on the court, Mr. Specter must not be allowed to pilot the nominating process.



To: JohnM who wrote (6996)9/7/2003 8:21:06 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793773
 
I have just been watching Miniter on CSPAN being interviewed and answering phone calls about his book, "Losing Bin Laden." He credits Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, the writers of "Sacred Terror," as being among the "Good Guys" during the Clinton Administration on Terror.

He believes the first crucial mistake was made during '92 when Clinton decided to "Criminalize" the first bombing of the Towers and hand it over to the FBI. This meant that only the FBI agents in the NYC office could have access to the evidence. He quotes Woolsey as being totally frustrated by this decision. It kept the CIA out of the loop. Bin Laden had announced that Al Qaeda was at war with the USA, but Clinton would not accept that view. He wanted a lower profile that would keep it as a criminal matter.

The second crucial mistake was in '96 when Bin Laden was offered to us by the Sudanese, and we turned them down. Sandy Berger told other people in the Admin that he did this because he wanted to "kick the can" past the '96 election.

Miniter interviewed Berger several times at the start of his book writing process, and got an early Sunday Morning phone call from him about a year ago. Berger had found out what Miniter was going to write about the situation, and cursed and threatened Miniter.

A, "You will never do lunch in DC again," type of approach. Miniter laughed about it.

Again, no major attack on Miniter by the Clintonistas since the book has come out. He said that some had tried to claim that the Sudanese offer to turn Bin Laden over was not proved, but Miniter says he interviewed everybody involved, including the Sudanese General who came over here, had seen the documents, and it is proven.



To: JohnM who wrote (6996)9/7/2003 11:06:56 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793773
 
I think Howard Hughes is one of the most interesting men of the 20th Century. And the period is the one I love for a movie. But boy, did Marty pick the wrong guy for the lead!

HE AVIATOR
The Man, the Myth, the Millions, and Marty
Martin Scorsese is as much a movie fan as he is a moviemaker. He poured his love for classic American and Italian films into two four-hour documentaries that are their own kind of classics. Now he is making a big Hollywood picture about Howard Hughes, a giant figure in business, aviation and movies. And he has signed Leonardo DiCaprio, star of the biggest hit in Hollywood history, to bring the legend to screen life.

Hughes is remembered today as the billionaire bohemian who built that Edsel of airplanes, the Spruce Goose, and spent the late 1960s as the reclusive, emaciated owner of a slew of Las Vegas hotels and casinos. His death in 1976, as a reader wrote to TIME, "disproved the saying that 'you can never be too rich or too thin.'"

But Hughes was also a flamboyant and gifted Hollywood figure. At 21 he produced a movie (Two Arabian Knights ) that won an Oscar at the first Academy Awards ceremony. Before he was 25, he had directed and supervised the thrilling dogfights in the World War I fly-boy spectacle Hell's Angels, the flick that made Jean Harlow a star. Two years later, Hughes produced the best and most brutal of the early gangster dramas, Scarface. After a decade-long vacation from films, he made The Outlaw , a notorious Western whose main point of interest was Jane Russell's bosom. By the mid-1950s, he had run a major movie studio, RKO, into the ground. Then he vanished into eccentricity.

The brilliance and waywardness of Hughes' hectic, high-flying movie career were surely part of what fascinated Scorsese and screenwriter John Logan (who scripted RKO 281, about the making of Citizen Kane). But if Hughes had been a homebody, they would have far less to tell. So The Aviator will detail this rich and randy bachelor's dalliances with Katharine Hepburn (played by Cate Blanchett ), Ava Gardner (Kate Beckinsale) and Harlow (Gwen Stefani of the band No Doubt). The film teems with other Hollywood potentates, from MGM mogul Louis B. Mayer to supercensor Joseph Breen, and promises to be a loving, caustic tribute to a town whose glittering streets can be every bit as mean as those in Scorsese's Little Italy. And unlike the director's Gangs of New York, it won't take 32 years to finish. We can hope to see it late next year.
?By Richard Corliss
time.com