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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: KLP who wrote (7133)9/8/2003 1:16:16 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793839
 
Since we will get "the Daily Schadenfreude," about Bush's speech, I thought we should post it here.

President Bush's Address to the Nation

Following is a transcript of President Bush's address to the nation last night, as recorded by The New York Times:

Good evening. I have asked for this time to keep you informed of America's actions in the war on terror.

Nearly two years ago, following deadly attacks on our country, we began a systematic campaign against terrorism. These months have been a time of new responsibilities and sacrifice and national resolve and great progress.

America and a broad coalition acted first in Afghanistan, by destroying the training camps of terror and removing the regime that harbored Al Qaeda. In a series of raids and actions around the world, nearly two-thirds of Al Qaeda's known leaders have been captured or killed, and we continue on Al Qaeda's trail. We have exposed terrorist front groups, seized terrorist accounts, taken new measures to protect our homeland, and uncovered sleeper cells inside the United States. And we acted in Iraq, where the former regime sponsored terror, possessed and used weapons of mass destruction, and for 12 years defied the clear demands of the United Nations Security Council. Our coalition enforced these international demands in one of the swiftest and most humane military campaigns in history.

For a generation leading up to September the 11th, 2001, terrorists and their radical allies attacked innocent people in the Middle East and beyond, without facing a sustained and serious response. The terrorists became convinced that free nations were decadent and weak. And they grew bolder, believing that history was on their side. Since America put out the fires of September the 11th and mourned our dead and went to war, history has taken a different turn. We have carried the fight to the enemy. We are rolling back the terrorist threat to civilization, not on the fringes of its influence, but at the heart of its power.

This work continues. In Iraq, we are helping the long-suffering people of that country to build a decent and democratic society at the center of the Middle East. Together we are transforming ? transforming a place of torture chambers and mass graves into a nation of laws and free institutions. This undertaking is difficult and costly ? yet worthy of our country, and critical to our security.

The Middle East will either become a place of progress and peace, or it will be an exporter of violence and terror that takes more lives in America and in other free nations. The triumph of democracy and tolerance in Iraq, in Afghanistan and beyond would be a grave setback for international terrorism. The terrorists thrive on the support of tyrants and the resentments of oppressed peoples. When tyrants fall and resentment gives way to hope, men and women in every culture reject the ideologies of terror and turn to the pursuits of peace. Everywhere that freedom takes hold, terror will retreat.

Our enemies understand this. They know that a free Iraq will be free of them, free of assassins and torturers and secret police. They know that as democracy rises in Iraq, all of their hateful ambitions will fall like the statues of the former dictator. And that is why, five months after we liberated Iraq, a collection of killers is desperately trying to undermine Iraq's progress and throw the country into chaos.

Some of the attackers are former members of the old Saddam regime, who fled the battlefield and now fight in the shadows. Some of the attackers are foreign terrorists, who have come to Iraq to pursue their war on America and other free nations. We cannot be certain to what extent these groups work together. We do know they have a common goal: reclaiming Iraq for tyranny.

Most, but not all, of these killers operate in one area of the country. The attacks you have heard and read about in the last few weeks have occurred predominantly in the central region of Iraq, between Baghdad and Tikrit ? Saddam Hussein's former stronghold. The north of Iraq is generally stable and is moving forward with reconstruction and self-government. The same trends are evident in the south, despite recent attacks by terrorist groups.

Though their attacks are localized, the terrorists and Saddam loyalists have done great harm. They have ambushed American and British service members who stand for freedom and order. They have killed civilian aid workers of the United Nations who represent the compassion and generosity of the world. They have bombed the Jordanian embassy, the symbol of a peaceful Arab country. And last week they murdered a respected cleric and over 100 Muslims at prayer, bombing a holy shrine and a symbol of Islam's peaceful teachings.

This violence is directed, not only against our coalition, but ? but against anyone in Iraq who stands for decency and freedom and progress.

There is more at work in these attacks than blind rage. The terrorists have a strategic goal. They want us to leave Iraq before our work is done. They want to shake the will of the civilized world. In the past, the terrorists have cited the examples of Beirut and Somalia, claiming that if you inflict harm on Americans, we will run from a challenge. In this, they are mistaken.

Two years ago, I told the Congress and the country that the war on terror would be a lengthy war, a different kind of war, fought on many fronts in many places. Iraq is now the central front. Enemies of freedom are making a desperate stand there and there they must be defeated. This will take time and require sacrifice. Yet we will do what is necessary, we will spend what is necessary, to achieve this essential victory in the war on terror, to promote freedom and to make our own nation more secure.

America has done this kind of work before. Following World War II, we lifted up the defeated nations of Japan and Germany, and stood with them as they built representative governments. We committed years and resources to this cause. And that effort has been repaid many times over in three generations of friendship and peace. America today accepts the challenge of helping Iraq in the same spirit, for their sake and our own.

Our strategy in Iraq has three objectives: destroying the terrorists, enlisting the support of other nations for a free Iraq and helping Iraqis assume responsibility for their own defense and their own future.

First, we are taking direct action against the terrorists in the Iraqi theater, which is the surest way to prevent future attacks on coalition forces and the Iraqi people. We are staying on the offensive, with a series of precise strikes against enemy targets increasingly guided by intelligence given to us by Iraqi citizens.

Since the end of major combat operations, we have conducted raids seizing many caches of enemy weapons and massive amounts of ammunition, and we have captured or killed hundreds of Saddam loyalists and terrorists. So far, of the 55 most wanted former Iraqi leaders, 42 are dead or in custody. We're sending a clear message: Anyone who seeks to harm our soldiers can know that our soldiers are hunting for them.

Second, we are committed to expanding international cooperation in the reconstruction and security of Iraq, just as we are in Afghanistan. Our military commanders in Iraq advise me that the current number of American troops, nearly 130,000, is appropriate to their mission. They are joined by over 20,000 service members from 29 other countries. Two multinational divisions, led by the British and the Poles, are serving alongside our forces. And in order to share the burden more broadly, our commanders have requested a third multinational division to serve in Iraq.

Some countries have requested an explicit authorization of the United Nations Security Council before committing troops to Iraq. I have directed Secretary of State Colin Powell to introduce a new Security Council resolution, which would authorize the creation of a multinational force in Iraq, to be led by America.

I recognize that not all our friends agreed with our decision to enforce the Security Council resolutions and remove Saddam Hussein from power. Yet we cannot let past differences interfere with present duties.

Terrorists in Iraq have attacked representatives of the civilized world and opposing them must be the cause of the civilized world. Members of the United Nations now have an opportunity, and the responsibility, to assume a broader role in assuring that Iraq becomes a free and democratic nation.

Third, we are encouraging the orderly transfer of sovereignty and authority to the Iraqi people. Our coalition came to Iraq as liberators and we will depart as liberators.

Right now Iraq has its own Governing Council, comprised of 25 leaders representing Iraq's diverse people. The Governing Council recently appointed cabinet ministers to run government departments. Already more than 90 percent of towns and cities have functioning local governments, which are restoring basic services.

We are helping to train civil defense forces to keep order and an Iraqi police service to enforce the law, a facilities protection service, Iraqi border guards to help secure the borders and a new Iraqi army. In all these roles, there are now some 60,000 Iraqi citizens under arms, defending the security of their own country, and we are accelerating the training of more.

Iraq is ready to take the next steps toward self-government. The Security Council resolution we introduce will encourage Iraq's Governing Council to submit a plan and a timetable for the drafting of a constitution and for free elections. From the outset, I have expressed confidence in the ability of the Iraqi people to govern themselves. Now they must rise to the responsibilities of a free people and secure the blessings of their own liberty.

Our strategy in Iraq will require new resources. We have conducted a thorough assessment of our military and reconstruction needs in Iraq, and also in Afghanistan. I will soon submit to Congress a request for $87 billion. The request will cover ongoing military and intelligence operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, which we expect will cost $66 billion over the next year.

This budget request will also support our commitment to helping the Iraqi and Afghan people rebuild their own nations, after decades of oppression and mismanagement. We will provide funds to help them improve security. And we will help them to restore basic services, such as electricity and water, and to build new schools, roads and medical clinics.

This effort is essential to the stability of those nations, and therefore to our own security. Now and in the future, we will support our troops and we will keep our word to the more than 50 million people of Afghanistan and Iraq.

Later this month, Secretary Powell will meet with representatives of many nations to discuss their financial contributions to the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Next month, he will hold a similar funding conference for the reconstruction of Iraq. Europe, Japan and states in the Middle East all will benefit from the success of freedom in these two countries, and they should contribute to that success.

The people of Iraq are emerging from a long trial. For them, there will be no going back to the days of the dictator, to the miseries and humiliation he inflicted on that good country. For the Middle East and the world, there will be no going back to the days of fear, when a brutal and aggressive tyrant possessed terrible weapons.

And for America, there will be no going back to the era before September the 11th, 2001, to false comfort in a dangerous world. We have learned that terrorist attacks are not caused by the use of strength. They are invited by the perception of weakness. And the surest way to avoid attacks on our own people is to engage the enemy where he lives and plans. We are fighting that enemy in Iraq and Afghanistan today so that we do not meet him again on our own streets, in our own cities.

The heaviest burdens in our war on terror fall, as always, on the men and women of our armed forces and our intelligence services. They have removed gathering threats to America and our friends, and this nation takes great pride in their incredible achievements. We are grateful for their skill and courage, and for their acts of decency, which have shown America's character to the world. We honor the sacrifice of their families. And we mourn every American who has died so bravely, so far from home.

The Americans who assume great risks overseas understand the great cause they are in. Not long ago I received a letter from a captain in the Third Infantry Division in Baghdad. He wrote about his pride in serving a just cause and about the deep desire of Iraqis for liberty.

"I see it," he said, "in the eyes of a hungry people every day here. They are starved for freedom and opportunity." And he concluded, "I just thought you'd like a note from the `front lines of freedom.' "

That Army captain, and all of our men and women serving in the war on terror, are on the front lines of freedom. And I want each of them to know, your country thanks you and your country supports you.

Fellow citizens: We've been tested these past 24 months and the dangers have not passed. Yet Americans are responding with courage and confidence. We accept the duties of our generation. We are active and resolute in our own defense. We are serving in freedom's cause and that is the cause of all mankind.

Thank you, and may God continue to bless America.



To: KLP who wrote (7133)9/8/2003 3:46:54 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793839
 
"What do you call a problem like Maria?"

[latimes.com]
latimes.com


Maria Shriver Emerges as Husband's Chief Defender
By Carla Hall
Times Staff Writer

September 8, 2003

First, Maria Shriver was seen as the spoile, the one person with the power to veto a run for governor by her husband, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and she was expected to use it.

Then, when Schwarzenegger surprised the political world and announced he was running after all, Shriver turned into the public backer. On the steps of the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder's office in Norwalk the day he filed papers to run, she declared: "I think he is a serious, compassionate, smart, calm man," pausing for a half-beat after "smart," taking aim at the naysayers and late-night comics who deride her husband for a lack of governing experience and his thick Austrian accent.

Now, after several weeks of being the offstage actor ? nowhere on the campaign trail but a constant presence at her husband's campaign office, weighing in on key decisions including the hiring of senior staff ? Shriver is embarking on a more public role.

A star of NBC's TV news division, now on leave, Shriver emerged Friday as her husband's defender, implicitly shielding him from charges that he disrespects women.

"I know that I would not be where I am today in my career, as a woman, without his support," she told backers at the opening of a new volunteer center in Santa Monica, while protesters outside denounced Schwarzenegger for crude remarks he is reported to have made.

Today, she will be the surrogate for her husband, registering voters outside a Sacramento store and appearing without him at two fund-raisers, one in Redding and another in Yuba City.

"Here we go!" she said to one of her closest friends, Wanda McDaniel, after Schwarzenegger announced his intentions.

"I wish I was covering this story," she said, wistfully, McDaniel recalled her saying. "In fact, I wish I was covering me." Instead, she has crossed from her preferred role of chronicling the news to participating in it. Whether she will cross back if her husband becomes governor of California remains to be seen.

"I would say it's not prohibitive," said NBC News president Neal Shapiro, who calls Shriver a smart, versatile interviewer and "a huge asset."

Shriver declined several requests to be interviewed for this story, but suggested family members and friends to interview and quizzed at least one of them afterward.

At 47, she is a combination of old school and new. The niece of President John F. Kennedy, she made her own career and earns a seven-figure salary, but now finds herself treading a traditional path well-worn by other women in her family ? helping a political spouse win an election.

"It's ironic she picked someone so outside the family business and now he's going into the family business," said Roberta Hollander, a CBS producer who mentored her and became a close friend.

Aware of how brutal the political spotlight can be, "she understood the personal sacrifices," says Bonnie Reiss, a senior campaign staffer and longtime friend of the couple. "But she's also someone who will support her husband's dream."

Shriver never had any illusions that life with Arnold Schwarzenegger would be easy.

"I would have had to have been deaf, blind and incredibly stupid not to see that he was more than a handful," she wrote in a slender volume of life lessons, published in 2000, and titled "Ten Things I Wish I'd Known ? Before I Went Out Into the Real World."

She met Schwarzenegger in 1977 and fell in love with him immediately. She was 21, just two months out of Georgetown University. He was 30, an Austrian immigrant with an inflated physique, promoting the still offbeat sport of bodybuilding.

Schwarzenegger had agreed to play in the Robert F. Kennedy Pro-Celebrity Tennis Tournament in Forest Hills, N.Y., as a gag. Over the weekend, he managed to charm the Shrivers, a close-knit family who have managed to escape much of the tragedy and scandal that have plagued other branches of the Kennedy clan.

Upon meeting Eunice Shriver, he told her, "Your daughter has a great body," according to Maria's older brother Bobby, 49.

That day, Maria Shriver impulsively invited Schwarzenegger to fly with her family to Hyannisport, Mass., the Kennedy family retreat. Schwarzenegger jumped on the plane with nothing more than the tennis togs on his back.

It was obvious Shriver had a crush on him, and over the course of the weekend, her brothers teased her and tested him, subjecting him to the sporting rituals cherished at the Kennedy compound but foreign to the Austrian bodybuilder. He was game for anything they made him do.

"He went water skiing at night," Bobby Shriver said.

She liked his playfulness, his outrageousness ? the things that made him charismatic as well as controversial, family members and friends say.

"The average guy who's going to be nice and careful and friendly is kind of a bore," said her younger brother, Timothy, 44.

"I think the stuff about the outrageous comments ? that's his personality," he added. "She rolls her eyes 12 times a day at stuff he says."

More serious have been stories over the years alleging that Schwarzenegger made sexual advances ? some unwanted ? to women he encountered. The stories, recounted in a lengthy article in Premiere magazine in 2001 and elsewhere, appear to have gotten Shriver's attention.

"They had their discussions about that," said Timothy Shriver. "The way it ended up is they're fine, and their marriage is fine."

One thing Shriver learned from growing up as part of the Kennedy family was how to treat sexual rumors about your husband, relatives say.

"Honestly, our whole lives, everybody we knew had that rumor," Bobby Shriver said. "So what? Everybody says they slept with someone. I don't thinks she pays that much attention to it."

"Arnold is funny, energetic, determined, smart, he's out there," said Timothy Shriver. "And I think for Maria that's kind of how she wants to live her life. She wants to be out there."

The couple have built a life around their four children ? Katherine, 13; Christina, 12; Patrick, 9; and Christopher, 5 ? and Shriver is "the epicenter of that family," McDaniel said.

Between 4 p.m. and 8 p.m. on weekdays, Shriver has said, she shuts off phones in their 11,000-square-foot home in a gated area of Brentwood to concentrate on the children and their homework. Sundays, the family attends Mass at St. Monica's Catholic Church.

She has a close and loyal group of girlfriends, dubbed the "kitchen cabinet" by Schwarzenegger ? although the one thing that Shriver apparently cannot do is cook.

Nick Chavez, her hairdresser of 10 years, calls her a low-maintenance client who will cuddle with her children while wearing an Armani gown and having her hair styled at her home before major events.

"I don't think I've ever heard anyone say anything bad about her," said Chavez. "And I know ? I'm a hairdresser."

Friends say Shriver has yet to indulge in Botox or any cosmetic surgery and will sometimes joke when told of someone who has been nipped and tucked: "Haven't they heard of sit-ups?"

In Schwarzenegger, friends say, Shriver saw a kindred soul. He was reinventing himself outside his native Austria as she was inventing herself professionally outside her family.

She had wanted to be a television news anchor since her high school days in 1972, riding in the back of the plane with the press corps covering her father, Sargent Shriver, as he ran for vice president on George McGovern's ticket.

She was fascinated by the impact the reporters had, particularly the television reporters. After college, she worked her way up, enduring the news director who told her his newsroom wasn't for "rich little dilettantes" and the agent who told her to change her nasal voice and lose 25 pounds before he would even consider helping her. (She did both.)

On local television in Baltimore, she became friends with another up-and-coming television personality, Oprah Winfrey. (Campaign sources have talked for several weeks about the possibility of a Shriver and Schwarzenegger appearance on Winfrey's program sometime between now and the election.)

More than a decade ago, with some trepidation, she gave up commuting between her Los Angeles home and her East Coast weekend anchoring duties and took on a reduced workload, doing 10 to 15 stories a year ? as opposed to the usual 20 to 30 ? so she could spend more time parenting.

The cutback may have stalled her ascension to a position anchoring a prime-time news magazine, according to her agent Richard Leibner, but she has still risen to the top ranks at NBC as contributing anchor to the NBC News magazine show, "Dateline."

Now, she has immersed herself in the campaign, involving herself in every part of the process ? staffing, voter registration, image-making.

Few in the campaign would speak on the record about the delicate topic of where a political wife, especially one as prominent as Shriver, fits.

Her background as a member of a famous liberal, Democratic family could complicate efforts by the campaign to consolidate support among Republicans, said Arnold Steinberg, a veteran Republican strategist not connected to the campaign.

At the same time, she can bring "tremendous positive energy" to the campaign, he said.

Some strategists familiar with the campaign see Shriver, despite her upbringing around veteran politicians, as more of a novice than she sees herself.

"It's like the guy who's seen every Dodger game for the past eight years and now wants to be the manager," said one Republican strategist who asked not to be named.

Other strategists not connected with the campaign say they would thrust her more front and center.

"I would put her out on the road, moving around," said Bill Carrick, a prominent Democratic political consultant. "Arnold in particular has problems with women voters, and she's a strong potential surrogate for women voters and Democrats in general. She can give Democrats a comfort level with Republicans they don't normally have."

Senior campaign aides say Shriver's view is crucial on important decisions.

She was deeply involved in the hiring of strategist Mike Murphy, who helped direct John McCain's presidential campaign in 2000, said campaign officials who also say that along with her cousin, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., she helped assemble environmental advisors for the campaign.

Timothy Shriver said his sister's main concern is making sure Schwarzenegger "doesn't get buffeted by changing opinions."

"She understands who he is ? his commitment to social justice, economic discipline, a competitive free market, his interest in education. She wants to make sure what goes out is him," he said.

"I don't think she has veto power, it's not that kind of relationship. But there's nobody on the planet he respects more than her."

But her friends and family point out that part of her value to Schwarzenegger is being the least self-interested person at the table.

"One hundred percent of her agenda is Arnold ? she doesn't want a job in policy," said Bobby Shriver. "You cross Arnold, and Maria will cut your head off. Whether it's agents or campaign managers, if anyone does something to Arnold she doesn't like, watch out."