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Politics : WHO IS RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT IN 2004 -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (4755)9/14/2003 10:06:59 PM
From: PROLIFE  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 10965
 
Kerry flips more than a blueberry pancake at IHOP.

Why do you spin? I know you are frustrated.



To: American Spirit who wrote (4755)9/15/2003 12:52:57 AM
From: calgal  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 10965
 
CAMPAIGN 2003

The Vicarious Conservative
Tom McClintock could get Schwarzenegger on the right path.

BY JASON L. RILEY
Sunday, September 14, 2003 12:01 a.m. EDT

URL:http://www.opinionjournal.com/editorial/feature.html?id=110004012

TEMECULA, Calif.--So often is State Sen. Tom McClintock asked about when he will quit the governor's race and "release" his supporters to back the leading Republican candidate, Arnold Schwarzenegger, that he no longer even waits for the question. "Let me just say this," he tells this interviewer, unprompted. "I mean what I say. I do not break promises. I'm in this race to the finish line. That is a promise."

The resolve is welcome, and anyone who cares a whit about the future of the nation's most populous state should hope he sticks to it, at least for the time being. Derelict stewardship has left California not just broke but broken, and Mr. McClintock's intelligent conservatism would go a long way toward repairing the damage. His presence in the race keeps Mr. Schwarzenegger mindful of Republican-base voters, whom the big guy has tended to neglect in his efforts to court star-struck Dems and Independents.

On Oct. 7, Californians will decide on replacing Gray Davis, whose policies have turned a $12 billion budget surplus into a $38 billion deficit and left the state with a credit rating teetering on junk status. The state and local tax burden is the sixth highest in the nation. Businesses--the ones that aren't leaving for friendlier environments practically anywhere else--toil under the second most onerous tax system (after Mississippi). The sales tax tops off at 8.75%, and a 9.3% income-tax rate kicks in at $38,000, which means bus drivers in Fresno are paying the top marginal rate.

Mr. Davis will not acknowledge that fiscal mismanagement--or his fealty to unions and special interests--is why the state and he are in trouble. Never mind rolling blackouts, job-killing workers' compensation costs, and the tripling of car-registration fees. He'd rather blame the recall on "a handful of disgruntled Republican consultants" and the deep pockets of Darrell Issa, the California congressman who helped fund it.But undermining this theory is the stubborn fact that two million California voters signed the recall petition--and 152,000 volunteers participated in gathering these signatures. Clearly, the recall's backers are tapping into a deep dissatisfaction. The governor's approval ratings have hovered in the low 20s for months, and polls show that well over half of voters (including nearly one in four Democrats) want him out.

Neither is Mr. Davis's right-wing cabal argument helped by the presence of Cruz Bustamante, the lieutenant governor who's leading the Democratic effort to replace him if the recall succeeds. Just don't expect much of a change in the statehouse if that happens. Mr. Bustamante, a Latino, is running a campaign that highlights class warfare ("It's about time we had a governor . . . who is going to work on behalf of working-class people") and ethnic identity ("Arnold doesn't share our values. He doesn't have the worries that we have"). The lieutenant governor's economics--he'd raise taxes by another $8 billion--are indistinguishable from the governor's. And he's every bit the slave to special interest that his boss is, only Mr. Bustamante prefers Indian casino money to the tort bar's.

Between a rally and a fund-raiser last week in Temecula, a friendly Southern California town located halfway between Los Angeles and San Diego, Mr. McClintock spoke enthusiastically and precisely about a new direction for the Golden State. As a state legislator for 20-plus years, he understands that the underlying problem is a liberal political elite whose currency is mandates, regulations and taxes. This has led to a dampening of entrepreneurship and job losses consistently in excess of the national average.Starting with the things he'd do "before lunch" on his first day as governor, Mr. McClintock mentions repealing the increase in car registration fees (essentially a $4.5 billion tax by another name) and voiding $42 billion in energy contracts of questionable legality signed by Mr. Davis. Other priorities include replacing California's wage laws and its workers' comp system--among the most burdensome and litigious in the country--with Arizona's. "That's about $2.5 billion in direct savings to state and local government before you even begin to calculate the positive impact it would have on businesses and the job market and tax revenues," he says.

Next up would be a marked reduction in state spending. Expenditures have grown 40% in the past four years and some 44,000 individuals have been added to the state payroll. But most importantly, tax increases are off the table. Mr. McClintock is convinced that the state can do more with less if fraud and redundant agencies are targeted and the state is willing to contract out services best left to the private sector.

This sort of detail often is missing from Arnold Schwarzenegger's candidacy, but it's what California conservatives want to hear before they support him. As you would expect from a child of Hollywood, Mr. Schwarzenegger is a social liberal with a soft spot for abortion, gays and gun control. He opposes Proposition 54, an effort to get state government out of the business of collecting racial data, which will share space on the recall ballot. And last Sunday, the Los Angeles Times reported that Robert F. Kennedy Jr., cousin of his wife and an environmental extremist, is Mr. Schwarzenegger's new point man on the politics of logging and global warming.

In general, Mr. Schwarzenegger is saying the right things, particularly with regard to his desire to keep businesses from leaving the state. But if he's fishing for conservative votes, he needs to do more than mention Ronald Reagan. Holding fast on the fiscal issues--the recall's raison d'être--would be a good start. And there's evidence that Mr. McClintock's presence in the race is helping him do that. Indeed, when Arnold is appealing to the right, he's usually cribbing the state senator's ideas. He has begun embracing the Arizona model for workers' comp reform, for instance, and his handlers are starting to stress his conservatism. One adviser bragged, "The [radio] interview that Arnold just gave could have been delivered by Tom McClintock."

If Gov. Davis is recalled, his successor need only win the most votes, not a majority. Polls have Mr. Bustamante leading with 30% and Arnold at 25%, where he's been since he entered the race. Mr. McClintock, at 13%, is up five points since the last poll and probably more now that Republican Peter Ueberroth has dropped out. Still, his chances of winning remain small. He has neither name recognition nor money to compete down the stretch. What he does have are the right ideas and leverage. And the longer he toughs it out, the better for everyone, including Arnold, who shouldn't at all mind having someone in the race to keep the conservative base ginned up. If and when Mr. McClintock does pull out--possibly after extracting campaign promises from his rival--his supporters are likely to gravitate the actor's way.

But Mr. Schwarzenegger isn't entitled to these votes; he should have to earn them. Tom McClintock is making sure that he does.

Mr. Riley is a senior editorial page writer at The Wall Street Journal.



To: American Spirit who wrote (4755)9/15/2003 12:55:23 AM
From: calgal  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 10965
 
ON THE FRONT

End of the Road Map
Israel cannot afford Yasser Arafat's presence in its midst.

BY EHUD OLMERT
Monday, September 15, 2003 12:01 a.m. EDT

JERUSALEM--It is with tragic irony--the kind that only the Middle East can produce--that Israel's cabinet has decided to expel Yasser Arafat so near the 10th anniversary of the signing of the Oslo "peace" Accords.

As the latest American diplomatic initiative, the "road map," is derailed by a resumed wave of suicide bombings, we Israelis are painfully aware that we have achieved little in these 10 years of direct negotiations with the Palestinians. Indeed, in a week in which 15 of our families are mourning their murdered loved ones and scores of others are pacing our hospital wards awaiting news of the wounded, the promises of the ill-conceived Oslo process seem as far off as ever.

Thus, the cabinet concluded that Arafat's ongoing encouragement of terror and his obstructive machinations were preventing all progress in diplomatic negotiations. Although he was relegated to the sidelines, his malign shadow still hovered over the road map, leaving it no chance of advancing while the violence escalated. The cabinet understood that it was either Arafat or negotiations, and decided to vote in favor of the peace process. The timing of when exactly to remove the PLO leader is still under discussion and Israel's allies will undoubtedly be consulted in formulating a decision.

At the time of the now famous White House signing ceremony, I had just left national politics and was serving as the mayor of Jerusalem. Like most of my former Likud colleagues, then in the opposition, I was fearful of the swift diplomatic path the government of Yitzhak Rabin had embarked upon. Giving recognition to the terrorist PLO, turning over land to armed guerrillas and shaking Arafat's hand, seemed at best to be a perilous and naïve endeavor. In my own private conversations with the Labor party leaders, I expressed my serious concerns over the dangers the Oslo Accords would bring to Jerusalem and to Israel, the lives and security that were being gambled with. Yet they assured the Israeli public that the entire process was reversible; that if Arafat and the PLO did not live up to their obligations, Israel reserved the right to take the necessary measures against the Palestinian leadership and the Israel Defense Forces would re-enter the conceded territory. Arafat, the Israeli architects of Oslo insisted, would have no choice but to impose law and security in the Palestinian Authority or witness everything he had achieved for the Palestinians being destroyed.
I must confess, as ideologically opposed as I was to withdrawing from the disputed territory and negotiating with those with Jewish blood on their hands, I hoped in my heart that, despite the euphoria, the Israeli leadership had truly considered what it was doing and that an authentic regional peace agreement could be secured. The Oslo process wasn't the path I'd have led the country toward, but faced with a fait accompli we Israelis had no choice but to pray that the government showed wisdom in attempting it.

Sadly, we now have our answer. The decade of carnage and blood that Oslo ushered in is still erupting all around us. The disastrous assumption that Arafat would fight the terrorist organizations on our behalf was a gamble which has literally exploded in Israel's face. The continuous march of peace initiatives from Cairo to Sharm al-Sheik to Wye to the Red Sea, from Zinni to Mitchell to Tenet, haven't succeeded.

At the recent Red Sea Summit, in which I participated as a negotiator, we told our Palestinian counterparts that they had to choose between Hamas or us. They would have to dismantle the terrorist infrastructure or we would be forced to do it ourselves. It is apparent, after this new wave of suicide bombings, that the Palestinian leadership has cast its lot with the Islamic extremists.

On a national level, we can no longer allow ourselves to believe in the myth that the moderates on the Palestinian side will be capable of mustering the political power and military support necessary to assert control over the terrorist groups. The roving bands of militias and lack of central leadership has reduced the Palestinian Authority today into something resembling Lebanon at the height of its civil war.

Despite American and Israeli efforts to isolate Arafat, his malicious influence and control over the Palestinian leadership has not diminished in the least. His latest intrigues--the forced resignation of Mahmoud Abbas and the appointment as prime minister of his close associate, Ahmed Qureia--have once again struck a devastating blow to another peace effort. There is simply no pragmatic nor responsible Palestinian personality who can fill the leadership vacuum and confront Hamas and other terrorists.

The latest round of failed diplomacy has shown that an enduring peace agreement cannot be built on the rotten foundation that is the current regime. Palestinian leaders will neither dismantle the terrorist infrastructure nor allow anyone else to do it. The alleged line that separated the Fatah forces from Hamas and Islamic Jihad can no longer be claimed to exist. Arafat is the CEO of a full-fledged terrorist organization and no less a danger than the Islamic extremist leaders whom Israel has finally targeted. Today all sides of the Israeli political spectrum have drawn the same conclusion: Israel will have to destroy the Islamic terrorist groups along with Arafat's Fatah guerillas. There can be no short cuts when it comes to eradicating the terrorist groups. Goodwill gestures have repeatedly come back to haunt us and we must now be prepared to finish off the task. The U.S. and other responsible democratic nations, engaged in their own wars against terrorist organizations, are slowly understanding that only an unrelenting battle will secure victory against this tenacious enemy.

Oslo has taught us that there are no proxies to fight in our stead. If we are not prepared to undertake the task of dismantling the terrorist groups that infest the Palestinian Authority, our civilian population will continue to be targeted for murder. The first and foremost responsibility of our government is to remove the threat of Palestinian violence to our buses, cafés, schools and highways. Moreover, we have learned that to act with any mercy toward the perpetrators is to place our own civilian population in jeopardy.

If Palestinian voices of moderation are capable of rising up and making themselves heard over the extremist roar, all Israelis will be very willing to continue the path toward peace. But for the moment we will place our trust in our own ability to confront the terrorists directly. And as the Jewish New Year, Rosh Hashana, approaches, tradition dictates that we review past mistakes and try sincerely to repent. The Oslo decade has shown us what is the incorrect and foolhardy way to try to make peace between Arabs and Jews. Armed with this new clarity, we can now attempt to rectify our errors--and set out down a safer, better-calculated road.
Mr. Olmert is the vice prime minister of Israel and former mayor of Jerusalem.

URL:http://www.opinionjournal.com/editorial/feature.html?id=110004014