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To: D. Long who wrote (8443)9/18/2003 4:22:58 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793750
 
September 17, 2003

GOP may favor Dean as opponent
By Jonathan E. Kaplan - "The Hill"

Majority Leader Tom DeLay is playing a leading role in lashing out at Democratic frontrunner Howard Dean. As one of few senior Republicans to do so, the aggressive Texan is helping President Bush stay above the political fray.

DeLay’s attacks, which are delivered more frequently than those of any other Republican on Capitol Hill, help Bush stay on the high road, said Jonathan Grella, DeLay’s press secretary.

“The attacks are more fashioned to help Bush than to help any other Democrat,” become the nominee, Grella added.

Do Republicans want Dean, who some now view as the Democrat who would be the easiest one to defeat, or do they fear a Dean candidacy and thus have a tacit non-aggression pact toward Dean for fear of further motivating his supporters?

An advisor close to Dean said that GOP attacks help Dean in terms of raising money, attracting more people to Dean’s website and signing up at Meetup.org, which has proved a forum that unites Dean’s supporters.

As far as tracking polling data, Dean’s advisor said that in Iowa and New Hampshire, where the intra-party contest will first be fought, Dean has been branded as the Democrat who can stand up to Bush, which he said is what Democrats want in a candidate. “It’s a classic situation, even as Republicans try to pare him down, they are building him up,” he said.

A Republican pollster who requested anonymity said that a Dean candidacy could play out two ways.

First, he said it is tougher to run against a governor. Second, Dean’s momentum may dampen over time as calls mount for Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.) or former Vice President Al Gore to jump into the race — on the theory that Dean appeals to his “hard core base” and thus cannot broaden his support.

Writing in yesterday’s New York Times, columnist David Brooks noted that pollsters he asked “all thought Dean would be easier to beat, notwithstanding his impressive rise.”

A cursory check of on-line databases shows that Bush has not mentioned Dean publicly.

Overall, congressional Republicans have also so far held back from attacking the former Vermont governor.

Rep. Eric Cantor (R-Va.), the chief deputy whip and the only Jewish Republican in the House, jumped in to attack Dean last week when he issued a press release criticizing Dean’s comments on Israel in last week’s televised debate among Democrats in Baltimore.

Dean said at the time, “My position is the same as Bill Clinton’s … it’s not our place to take sides in the Middle East conflict.”

Cantor said, “Under Clinton, the world was less safe — it is a shame that Howard Dean would embrace this legacy.”

But a GOP lawmaker with close ties to the White House said that he knew of no hands off policy toward Dean.

So far, the Bush reelection campaign has not attacked any of the president’s would-be declared Democratic rivals, who will grow to 10 today with the entry of retired Gen. Wesley Clark. “From a campaign perspective, we’re focused on organizing the grassroots. We expect this to be a very close election,” said Scott Stanzel, the campaign’s spokesman.

Questions about specific candidates are best put to the Republican National Committee (RNC), Stanzel said.

Speaking before Clark’s entry, Christine Iverson, the RNC’s spokeswoman, said there is no policy to not attack Dean. “From our perspective, any of the nine could be the nominee. We’re more than happy to point out flip-flops whether it is Howard Dean or [Rep.] Dennis Kucinich [D-Ohio]. Any one could be a viable candidate.”

She added the only level of coordination between congressional Republicans and the RNC, which is closely aligned with the Bush campaign, is coordinating lawmakers’ appearances on network and cable television talk programs and other media appearances.

Indeed, the RNC has attacked the candidates, but they appear to have backed off from attacking the frontrunning Dean.

For example, the RNC’s “Democrat Watch” page on the committee’s website links to two press releases that criticize Democrat Sen. John Kerry (Mass.), and one each hitting Sen. John Edwards (N.C.) and Sen. Bob Graham (Fla.). The page’s only reference to Dean is an attack by Sen. Joe Lieberman (Conn.).

DeLay, for his part, has taken a bare-knuckled approach to assailing Dean. He told reporters Tuesday that he regularly refers to the Democrats as the “nine dwarves” or the “nine prancing ponies.”

When Dean attacked Attorney General John Aschroft’s record on civil liberties, DeLay called Dean a “cruel, loudmouth extremist,” in a Sept. 3 press release.


thehill.com



To: D. Long who wrote (8443)9/18/2003 5:06:55 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793750
 
The end of an article in Slate on the 9th from a reporter who clerked for them.

Fun With Bush v. Gore
The 9th Circuit moons the Supreme Court.
By Dahlia Lithwick
Posted Wednesday, September 17, 2003, at 4:31 PM PT

....There's really only one way to read the panel's decision from Monday. It's a sauce-for-the-gander exercise in payback. Pure and simple. The panel not only refused to accept the Supremes' admonition that the nation would not be fooled again; it refused even to address it. Applying Bush v. Gore again and again in the unanimous opinion, the judges told the high court that it has no power to declare a case a one-ride ticket and defied the court to step in again to tell them otherwise. (The court isn't likely to step in, as many have now noted, because they cannot win if they do. By getting involved, they risk either looking corrupt and partisan if they reverse the decision or permitting the courts to legislate things like the distances between polling places and the pant-length for elections workers for all eternity.)

You can't read the 9th Circuit panel's decision without recognizing that it is neither brilliant nor subtle. The court did not need to halt the whole election to achieve electoral fairness. It could have enjoined punch cards, demanded all paper ballots, recommended more polling places, or punted back to the California secretary of state to suggest something other than the existing disparate systems. But the court went so much farther. They shocked the whole country by halting the entire recall. Why? Reading the opinion, it's hard to escape the fact that the court seems to take pleasure in applying the broad and indefensible legal principle laid out in Bush v. Gore even more broadly and indefensibly. This wasn't just a liberal panel trying to prop up an embattled Democrat. The 9th Circuit isn't necessarily political, even where it's ideological. No, the more likely explanation for the panel's decision is that the court, which has been ridiculed, reversed, and unanimously shot down by the Supremes at rates that exceed (although not by much) any other court of appeals, just wanted this one sweet shot at revenge. This time, said the panel, it's personal.

Reading the opinion, you can almost hear the panel saying: "Hey, let's not just halt this recall, let's have a little fun with the thing!" The opinion includes a fond historical nod to voting with fava beans and the wry observation that punch cards are "intractably afflicted with technologic dyscalculia." It's tough to count the number of times the judges gleefully point out that the secretary of state is barred from defending the punch-card machines because he is already subject to a consent decree holding that they suck.

And the—by my count—12 references to Bush v. Gore often carry the deliberate leadup: "Hey! It's just like the Supreme Court said in Bush v. Gore." Now, maybe I'm wrong. Maybe the judges on the 9th Circuit haven't been lying awake at night, wondering when they might finally have revenge on the high court for years of abuse and disrespect. There are ample other explanations for 9th Circuit nuttiness (and I know because I clerked there): The number of judges (26) and the fact that they sit in panels of three means that there is little predictability and less accountability for occasional wacky decisions. There is the possibility—which I'd dispute—that 9th Circuit liberals are more liberal than other liberals, including liberal Supreme Court justices. There is the phenomenon known by child psychologists as "labeling theory," wherein the little kid who always gets in trouble for standing in his cubby and pulling his pants down starts to do it because it's expected of him. And there is the fact that the 9th Circuit, while willing to bind itself by existing Supreme Court precedent, is not interested in playing the game played by other courts of appeals—namely, trying to predict how the high court might rule in cases of first impression. If there's no precedent, say the judges of the 9th Circuit, the buck stops here. Hence the Pledge of Allegiance cases, the marijuana cases, and the three-strikes cases.

But none of these explanations really offers the satisfaction inherent in my hypothesis: that the panel stuck it to the Supremes because it could. Just like the Supremes threw the 2000 election because it could.

The fun has to stop now, of course. The logic of the panel (and of the original Bush decision) would hold that any election with differing voting apparatus is inherently unconstitutional. And that renders every election, past and future, illegal. That cannot be the law. Since there is no principled way to apply the law of Bush v. Gore, the Supreme Court should get its initial unprincipled request and see the holding limited to a one-stop ticket. But with the high court reluctant to step in and say that, it may be up to the en banc panel to clean up their mess. (Click here for an explanation of how their en banc process works.) Whether these 11 judges will join their comrades in lording it over the Supremes, or behave more judiciously than did the court itself in 2001, is really the question they must now face. "They started it," isn't an answer on the playground. It can't be the answer on the bench.
slate.msn.com



To: D. Long who wrote (8443)9/19/2003 6:35:01 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793750
 
This 9th Court decision is causing a lot of good articles to be written on the Judges there.

The Law's Conscience
How Judge Harry Pregerson of California's 9th Circuit, rules with his heart instead of his head.
by Hugh Hewitt
09/19/2003 12:00:00 AM



THERE IS A GREAT DEAL of analysis on the California recall court case, with some of the best available at the blogs of Loyola law prof Rick Hasen, University of Iowa law prof Tung Yin, and the SoCalLawBlog . These sites don't mince words when it comes to the reputation and record of the 9th Circuit, and the Monday decision's display of judicial willfulness. So much time is spent dissecting the panel's per curiam opinion, however, that too little attention is paid to the three judges who produced it.

I will leave it to others to provide the lengthy specs on judges Richard Paez and Sidney Thomas--Clinton appointees both. (Those should be interesting pieces: Judge Paez, for example, trained as an activist in his legal career before taking the oath and joining the Bench, serving as a lawyer at the Western Center on Law & Poverty and with California Rural Legal Assistance. He also served a long stretch in the judicial confirmation process, waiting four years between the time of his nomination to the circuit and his confirmation.)

The third justice is 79-year-old Justice Harry Pregerson. His service to the country preceded his time on the bench. He was a lieutenant in the United States Marine Corps from 1944 to 1946. He was severely wounded during the battle for Okinawa. Justice Pregerson obviously does not lack for courage.

Nor has he ever lacked for candor. On October 3, 1979, the day of his confirmation hearing, then Federal District Judge Pregerson was questioned by then Senator Alan Simpson. Here is the exchange:

Simpson: If a decision in a particular case was required by case law or statute, as interpreted according to the intent that you would perceive as legislative intent, and yet that offended your own conscience, what might you do in that situation?

Pregerson: Well, of course it's a hypothetical question and life does not present situations that are clear cut, but I think all of us, judges and lawyers, would be very pleased if congressional intent was clearly discernible. I have to be honest with you. If I was faced with a situation like that and it ran against my conscience, I would follow my conscience.

Simpson: I didn't hear, sir.

Pregerson: I said, if I were faced with a situation like that, that ran against my conscience, disturbed my conscience, I would try and find a way to follow my conscience and do what I perceived to be right and just. Not that, I would hope not, it would mean I would act arbitrarily. I was born and raised in this country, and I am steeped in its traditions, its mores, its beliefs, and its philosophies; and if I felt strongly in a situation like that, I feel it would be the product of my very being and upbringing. I would follow my conscience.

The Marine did not dissemble. And the Senate did not block his confirmation. Not surprisingly, Judge Pregerson has been a model of judicial activism for nearly a quarter-century. In one memorable case from 1988, the panel on which he served reversed a judgment granting a petition for naturalization to a veteran who had, sadly, not applied for citizenship at the appropriate time. The case was "squarely controlled by the Supreme Court's recent decision," and the majority was obliged to deny the veteran citizenship.

Judge Pregerson dissented: "I dissent. The conscience of our nation should tell us that Dr. Bernardo Ortega deserves better treatment from a government he valiantly served in time of war."

The law was explicit, and the Supreme Court had authoritatively applied it, but Judge Pregerson relied upon the "conscience of our nation" to avoid the law's command. A broad concept, that national conscience, and one untethered to any rule of law.

Just like Monday's decision.

THE TEMPTATION for all people in public life is to preach to their choirs, and to remind others of their virtues. This particular temptation seems to grow more terrible as age advances and the crowds that provide applause do not gather as often or in such great numbers as in the past. Often these audiences need cues. Sometimes those cues have to be loud: A decision striking down the Pledge of Allegiance as unconstitutional, for example, or evicting the Boy Scouts from a Sea Scout base they built and maintained for decades in San Diego's Balboa Park.

There is nothing quite as loud as the cancellation of an election called for under the black-letter law of a state constitution. Such things have happened in our hemisphere before, but not within our borders.

The entire nation has now noticed Judge Pregerson and his colleagues. An op-ed on the decision in Tuesday's Lost Angeles Times by co-counsel for the plaintiffs, Erwin Chemerinsky, was titled "An Act of Courage." Thus the media, political class, bench, and bar have all dutifully noted the Judge's record and his honest declarations as to his conscience.

Perhaps we can now return to the business of elections. Hard facts may make bad law, but they have nothing on the demands of ego.

Hugh Hewitt is the host of The Hugh Hewitt Show, a nationally syndicated radio talkshow, and a contributing writer to The Daily Standard. His new book, In, But Not Of, has just been published by Thomas Nelson.

weeklystandard.com