SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : WHO IS RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT IN 2004 -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Raymond Duray who wrote (4953)9/20/2003 8:44:13 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 10965
 
siliconinvestor.com



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (4953)9/20/2003 9:33:54 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 10965
 
The retired general's Presidential bid could turn the primary race into a streamlined contest among two or three survivors
_______________________________________

How Clark Alters the Dems' Battleground
BusinessWeek NEWS ANALYSIS
By Lee Walczak and Richard S. Dunham
SEPTEMBER 17, 2003
businessweek.com

Retired General Wesley Clark's late entry into the Democratic race will hit the party's field like a laser-guided missile. For the next few weeks, talk about the former NATO commander's long-shot bid will likely dominate Democratic politics, all but drowning out the messages of the nine other candidates vying for the right to challenge George W. Bush.

If Clark succeeds in making the transition from curiosity to top contender, he could transform the race from an inchoate pack phenomenon to a streamlined contest among two or three survivors. Democrats "are talking Clark's candidacy very seriously," says party strategist Mike Berman. "If he starts to get traction in early polls, he could take off."

PINCER MOVEMENT. Should that happen, the political battlefield will be littered with early casualties. Most at risk is Massachusetts Senator John Kerry, like Clark a decorated Vietnam vet. Kerry had positioned himself as the most credible challenger to Bush's go-it-alone foreign policy. But Clark's battlefield accomplishments easily eclipse Kerry's foxhole story.

All along, Kerry envisioned that the Establishment would embrace him as a safe and sane alternative to fiery insurgent Howard Dean of Vermont. But growing worries about Kerry's inability to connect with voters have undermined his campaign. Now, Clark is ideally positioned to seize the torch as the centrist alternative to Dean's McGovernesque candidacy. At a very minimum, that could pose a mortal danger to the Kerry campaign in New Hampshire, where he's now caught in a pincer movement between Dean on the left and Clark on the right.

Two upwardly mobile Southerners are also about to fall under Clark's tank treads. North Carolina Senator John Edwards saw his formal campaign launch on Sept. 16 overshadowed by Clark-o-mania and speculation about the general's expected Sept. 17 announcement. Clark's base in Arkansas means he'll now be in a position to run as the Dems' Dixie champion in 2004, undermining the regional strategies of both Edwards and Florida Senator Bob Graham. One or both men could feel pressure to abandon the race.

COLD TRAIL. Then there's Connecticut Senator Joe Lieberman, who styled himself as the Democrats' most hawkish and probusiness candidate and who also has taken heavy fire from Clark. He'll now have to compete with another centrist in the debate over business tax incentives -- and must confront an opponent with four generals' stars when the debate turns to national security.

Lieberman wasn't exactly setting the campaign trail on fire before Clark made his move. The senator's most recent role was a harsh debate critic of Dean, but the Clark candidacy now makes a Lieberman bid problematic. The general will simply assume the role of the anti-Dean in upcoming party forums.

Less affected by the Clark bombshell is the bid of Missouri Representative Dick Gephardt. Backed by strong union support, he's staking all on a win in the Jan. 19 Iowa caucuses. The one big problem with this strategy: Clark may well choose to make a strategic detour around an Iowa contest locked up by Gephardt and Dean in order to concentrate his efforts in New Hampshire and the South.

"WIDE-OPEN RACE." Indeed, New Hampshire could be tailor-made for Clark's outsider bid. Independents make up about a third of the state's primary electorate, and many of maverick Republican John McCain's supporters crossed party lines to vote for him in 2000. The same dynamic could benefit Clark if he stays viable until the Jan. 27 balloting. "All the polls in New Hampshire are soft and misleading right now," notes Linda L. Fowler, a Dartmouth College government professor and expert on New Hampshire politics. "This is very much a wide-open race."

Of course, it could be a long, cold road to New Hampshire for political tyro Clark. While he'll initially benefit from weeks of frenzied media attention, he still must answer some burning questions in the mind of political pros and voters alike, among them:

• Does he stand for anything much besides his paeans to multilateral foreign policy? To date, Clark is still a cipher on many domestic and economic issues.

• Can a general with a reputation for a prickly leadership style take the heat of political combat? Clark's sharp-elbows style has won him numerous nonfans among the military brass. Some campaign veterans wonder if this brilliant but irascible man can master retail politics in town-hall meetings and shopping mall meet-and-greets.

• Can Clark raise the money he'll desperately need to go toe-to-toe with Dean and Kerry? With so many runners in the field, party moneybags have had to dig deep and often this year. Clark will have to prove he's for real as a candidate -- and fast -- to get major financiers to shell out again.

• Will centrist Democrats coalesce around the unconventional Clark candidacy -- something the party is notoriously bad at doing -- and will enough of the newly minted Clarkies actually show up and vote in a primary process dominated by liberal activists and interest-group partisans?

Lots of questions, obviously, are swirling around the Clark candidacy. The answers should be coming in the next few weeks and with them, some guidance on whether the Dems' have another Ross Perot on their hands or an Eisenhower-type phenom.
_____________________________

Walczak is BusinessWeek's Washington bureau chief and Dunham is White House correspondent



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (4953)10/4/2003 9:35:00 PM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (4) | Respond to of 10965
 
The Candidate who effectively responds to this article will be the next President.

Ray, while your statement may not literally be true, the issue of overseas job loss certainly merits a debate next year:

nytimes.com

October 5, 2003

A Missing Statistic: U.S. Jobs That Went Overseas

By LOUIS UCHITELLE

The job market finally showed some life in September, but not enough to sidetrack a growing debate over why employment has failed to rebound nearly two years after the last recession ended. The debate intrudes increasingly on election politics, but in all the heated back and forth, an essential statistic is missing: the number of jobs that would exist in the United States today if so many had not escaped abroad.

The Labor Department, in its numerous surveys of employers and employees, has never tried to calculate this trade-off. But the "offshoring" of work has become so noticeable lately that experts in the private sector are now trying to quantify it.

By these initial estimates, at least 15 percent of the 2.81 million jobs lost in America since the decline began have reappeared overseas. Productivity improvements at home — sustaining output with fewer workers — account for the great bulk of the job loss. But the estimates being made suggest that the work sent overseas has been enough to raise the unemployment rate by four-tenths of a percentage point or more, to the present 6.1 percent.

That leakage fuels the political debate. The Bush administration is pushing the Chinese to allow their currency to rise in value, thus increasing the dollar value of wages in that country, a deterrent to locating work abroad. The Democrats agree, but some also call for trade restrictions, and they attack Republicans for cutting from the budget funds to retrain and support laid-off workers in the United States.

While most of the lost jobs are in manufacturing or in telephone call centers, lately the work sent abroad has climbed way up the skills ladder to include workers like aeronautical engineers, software designers and stock analysts as China, Russia and India, with big stocks of educated workers, merge rapidly into the global labor market.

"All of a sudden you have a huge influx of skilled people; that is a very disruptive process," said Craig R. Barrett, chief executive of Intel, the computer chip manufacturer.

Intel itself has maintained a fairly steady 60 percent of its employees in the United States. But in the past year or so, it has added 1,000 software engineers in China and India, doing work that in the past might have been done by people hired in the United States. "To be competitive, we have to move up the skill chain overseas," Mr. Barrett said.

The trade-off in jobs is not one for one. The work done here by one person often requires two or three less-efficient workers overseas. Even so, given the very low wages, the total saving for an American company can be as much 50 percent for each job shifted, even allowing for the extra cost of transportation, communication and other expenses that would not be needed if the work was done in the United States. That is the message of the nation's management consultants, who are encouraging their corporate clients to take advantage of the multiplying opportunities overseas.

" `Encourage' is a difficult way to put it," said Harold Sirkin, a senior vice president at the Boston Consulting Group. "What we are basically saying is that if your competitors are doing this, you will be at a disadvantage if you don't do it too."

The estimates of job loss from offshoring are all over the lot. They are back-of-the-envelope calculations at best, inferred from trade data and assumptions about the number of American workers needed to produce goods and services now coming from abroad, or no longer exported to a growing consumer market in, say, China.

Among economists and researchers, the high-end estimate comes from Mark Zandi, chief economist at Economy.com, who calculates that 995,000 jobs have been lost overseas since the last recession began in March 2001. That is 35 percent of the total decline in employment since then. While most of the loss is in manufacturing, about 15 percent is among college-trained professionals.

Boeing, for example, employs engineers at a design center in Moscow, while having shrunk its engineering staff in Seattle. Morgan Stanley, the investment firm, is adding jobs in Bombay, but not in New York — employing Indian engineers as well as analysts who collect corporate data and scrutinize balance sheets for stock market specialists in New York.

Near the low end of the job-loss estimates sit John McCarthy, research analyst at Forrester Research Inc., and Nariman Behravesh, chief economist at Global Insights. For them the loss is 500,000 to 600,000 jobs over the past 30 months, again mostly in manufacturing — with Mr. McCarthy suggesting that the 600,000 might turn out to be 800,000. His research focuses more on the future: Starting in January 2000 and running through 2015, globalization of American production will have eliminated 3.3 million jobs at home, he estimates.

Some are trying niche estimates. Roshi Sood, a government analyst at the Gartner Group, for example, estimates roughly that state government cutbacks have pushed overseas the work of 3,400 people once employed in the United States, either on public payrolls or on the payrolls of companies that contract with state government.

In Indiana, for example, the Department of Workforce Development recently chose an Indian company, TCS America, to maintain and update its computer programs, using high-speed telecommunications to carry out the contract. The TCS bid was $8 million below those submitted by two American competitors, Mr. Sood said.

Now political groups are offering estimates. The Progressive Policy Institute, which is affiliated with the Democratic Party, will soon publish its calculation of manufacturing jobs shifted overseas since George W. Bush took office just before the recession began, said Rob Atkinson, a vice president. Not surprisingly, the estimate — imputed from trade data — is on the high side: 800,000 jobs lost to overseas production.



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (4953)10/5/2003 10:57:48 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 10965
 
news.independent.co.uk