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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: laura_bush who wrote (462254)9/20/2003 11:03:06 PM
From: Sidney Reilly  Respond to of 769670
 
DOJ Net Surveillance Under Fire
By Joanna Glasner
02:00 AM Jun. 10, 2003 PT

The Justice Department's statements -- and what it did not say -- in a congressional inquiry on the use of broadened surveillance powers authorized after the Sept. 11 attacks is raising a red flag among civil liberties groups. A central concern is the lack of clarity regarding the scope of Internet surveillance powers granted in the controversial USA Patriot Act.

In response to testimony last week by Attorney General John Ashcroft before the House Judiciary Committee, the American Civil Liberties Union published a memo criticizing the government's attempts to apply the methodology for tracing phone calls to tracking Internet use.

Timothy Edgar, an ACLU legislative counsel and the report's author, argued that so-called "trap and trace" devices, traditionally used to capture telephone numbers but not the content of conversations, could potentially violate a subject's privacy if it's used to watch Web activity.

On the Internet, investigators use "trap and trace" technology to monitor e-mail, Web surfing and other activity to search for clues about potentially illegal activity.

The problem, according to Edgar, is that a URL, unlike a phone number, provides detailed information about the content a person is obtaining. "It isn't always technologically feasible to separate content information from routing information," said Edgar.

An overly intrusive application of tracing devices online was one of several Internet-related red flags raised by civil rights advocates following Ashcroft's testimony and the release last month of a Justice Department document answering lawmakers' questions about the Patriot Act.

Another Net-related concern in the ACLU memo is the potential use of Web-surfing records in data-mining projects, allowing investigators to fish for illicit activity unrelated to the original inquiry.

The ACLU also criticized the paucity of information provided by the Justice Department regarding what Internet content it considers off-limits in searches. It also questioned the application of some surveillance technologies in garden-variety criminal cases.

The critique comes as the Justice Department is expected to seek an extension of authorities granted under the Patriot Act.

The agency has not said when it will seek Congressional approval of a Patriot Act extension. But a draft proposal laying out a wish list of new powers, nicknamed "Patriot II," surfaced earlier this year, indicating that the Justice Department has already expended considerable effort planning its appeal. The proposal would broadly expand the government's surveillance and detention powers, including extending authorization periods for secret wiretaps and Internet surveillance.

The Justice Department has a limited time to seek a follow-up bill. Many of the authorities granted under the original Patriot Act -- enacted two months after the Sept.11 attacks -- expire at the end of 2005.

But before approving broad new powers for federal investigators, civil rights groups say Congress must ensure that the government is doing what it can to see that existing powers are applied responsibly.

That could be a difficult task, considering that thus far the Justice Department has been tight-lipped about Patriot Act-related activities, said Lee Tien, attorney for the Electronic Frontier Foundation.

As far as Internet surveillance is concerned, Tien said the Justice Department's preference for minimal disclosure is aided by the fact that the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act covers authorization for communications monitoring in anti-terrorism cases. Under FISA, investigators obtain authorization to conduct surveillance through a secret court, leaving the public out of the loop.

"What we're concerned about is you have a situation where the government, because there is less accountability, can engage in more surveillance without people knowing about it," Tien said.


The ACLU, meanwhile, says it would like to see more disclosure regarding the amount and types of data investigators obtain when monitoring Internet use. So far, the Justice Department has provided limited guidance on this subject. A memo (PDF) authored last year by Deputy Attorney General Larry D. Thompson states that the policy of the Justice Department is to use "reasonably available technology" in order to avoid collection of any content when trap and trace devices are employed. If content still gets collected, the memo states that "no affirmative investigative use may be made of that content."

But the ACLU's Edgar maintains that the Patriot Act does not clearly define what constitutes content in the context of the Internet. For example, he notes, it is unclear whether an investigator, without probable cause, would find out only that a subject has visited the Google website, or also that he or she entered the search terms "Bush" and "Halliburton," or "Clinton" and "Whitewater."

Edgar said the Department of Justice also failed to clarify whether or not it considers subject lines in e-mail messages to be content, as he has recommended. Moreover, the ACLU notes that trap-and-trace powers have not been limited to terrorism investigations, and have been applied to track Internet use in drug- and fraud-related cases.

Mark Corallo, a Justice Department spokesman, said that in the overwhelming majority of cases, powers granted under the Patriot Act have been used for the purpose of combating terrorism. And while the act does address monitoring of Internet activities, it does not provide a blank check to federal investigators to spy on ordinary Americans.

"What the Patriot Act allows us to do is to go to the FISA court and seek a warrant from a judge to monitor the Internet usage of the target of an investigation," he said. "It doesn't authorize the FBI to just go to the Internet and look at who's looking at what."

wired.com



To: laura_bush who wrote (462254)9/21/2003 8:44:53 PM
From: sandintoes  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
Look what was going on right under your hero's nose, while he was standing around with his pants down, and his wife, the JUNIOR Senator from NY, was kissing Yassar Arafat!

Report: Terror Mastermind Reveals 9/11 Plot Hatched in 1996
Sunday, September 21, 2003

WASHINGTON — Sept. 11 mastermind Khalid Shaikh Mohammed (search) told U.S. investigators that he first began plotting the attacks with terrorist leader Usama bin Laden (search) in 1996 and envisioned using 10 planes for suicide hijackings.

After examining interregation reports, The Associated Press learned that Mohammed said the original scheme involved the hijacking of five commercial airliners on each U.S. coast, 10 planes in total.

Mohammed said the plan was changed several times in the five years between its conception and execution, according to the reports that shed new light on the origins and evolution of the massive terrorist plot of Sept. 11, 2001.

Mohammed also divulged that, in its final stages, the hijacking plot called for as many as 22 terrorists and four planes in a first wave, followed by a second wave of suicide hijackings that were to be aided possibly by Al Qaeda (search) allies in southeast Asia, according to the reports.

Over time, bin Laden scrapped various parts of the Sept. 11 plan, including attacks on both coasts and hijacking or bombing some planes in East Asia, Mohammed is quoted as saying.

Addressing one of the questions raised by congressional investigators in their Sept. 11 review, Mohammed said he never heard of a Saudi man named Omar al-Bayoumi (search) who provided some rent money and assistance to two hijackers when they arrived in California.

Congressional investigators have suggested Bayoumi could have aided the hijackers or been a Saudi intelligence agent, charges the Saudi government vehemently deny. The FBI has also cast doubt on the congressional theory after extensive investigation and several interviews with al-Bayoumi.

In fact, Mohammed claimed he did not arrange for anyone on U.S. soil to assist hijackers Khalid al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al-Hazmi when they arrived in California. Mohammed said there "were no Al Qaeda operatives or facilitators in the United States to help al-Mihdhar or al-Hazmi settle in the United States," one of the reports state.

Al-Mihdhar and al-Hazmi were on the plane that was flown into the Pentagon.

Mohammed portrayed those two hijackers as central to the plot, and even more important than Mohammed Atta, initially identified by Americans as the likely hijacking ringleader. Mohammed said he communicated with al-Hazmi and al-Mihdhar while they were in the United States by using Internet chat software, the reports states.

Mohammed said al-Hazmi and al-Mihdhar were among the four original operatives bin Laden assigned to him for the plot, a significant revelation because those were the only two hijackers whom U.S. authorities were frantically seeking for terrorist ties in the final days before Sept. 11.

U.S. authorities continue to investigate the many statements that Mohammed has made in interrogations, seeking to eliminate deliberate misinformation. But they have been able to corroborate with other captives and evidence much of his account of the Sept. 11 planning.

Mohammed told his interrogators the hijacking teams were originally made up of members from different countries where Al Qaeda had recruited, but that in the final stages bin Laden chose instead to use a large group of young Saudi men to populate the hijacking teams.

As the plot came closer to fruition, Mohammed learned "there was a large group of Saudi operatives that would be available to participate as the muscle in the plot to hijack planes in the United States," one report says Mohammed told his captors.

Saudi Arabia was bin Laden's home, though it revoked his citizenship in the 1990s, and he reviled its alliance with the United States during the Gulf War and beyond. Saudis have suggested for months that bin Laden has been trying to drive a wedge between the United States and their kingdom, hoping to fracture the alliance.

U.S. intelligence has suggested that Saudis were chosen, instead, because there were large numbers willing to follow bin Laden and they could more easily get into the United States because of the countries' friendly relations.

Mohammed's interrogation report states he told Americans some of the original operatives assigned to the plot did not make it because they had trouble getting into the United States.

Mohammed was captured in a March 1 raid by Pakistani forces and CIA operatives in Rawalpindi. He is being interrogated by the CIA at an undisclosed location.

He told interrogators about other terror plots that were in various stages of planning or had been temporarily disrupted when he was captured, including one planned for Singapore.

The sources who allowed AP to review the reports insisted that specific details not be divulged about those operations because U.S. intelligence continues to investigate some of the methods and search for some of the operatives.

The interrogation reports make dramatically clear that Mohammed and Al Qaeda were still actively looking to strike U.S., Western and Israeli targets across the world as of this year.

Mohammed told his interrogators he had worked in 1994 and 1995 in the Philippines with Ramzi Yousef, Abdul Hakim Murad and Wali Khan Amin Shah on the foiled Bojinka plot to blow up 12 Western airliners simultaneously in Asia.

After Yousef and Murad were captured, foiling the plot in its final stages, Mohammed began to devise a new plot that focused on hijackings on U.S. soil.

In 1996, he went to meet bin Laden to persuade the Al Qaeda leader "to give him money and operatives so he could hijack 10 planes in the United States and fly them into targets," one of the interrogation reports state.

Mohammed told interrogators his initial thought was to pick five targets on each coast, but bin Laden was not convinced such a plan was practical, the reports stated.

Mohammed said bin Laden offered him four operatives to begin with — al-Mihdhar and al-Hazmi as well as two Yemenis, Walid Muhammed bin Attash and Abu Bara al-Yemeni.

"All four operatives only knew that they had volunteered for a martyrdom operation involving planes," one report stated.

Mohammed said the first major change to the plans occurred in 1999 when the two Yemeni operatives could not get U.S. visas. Bin Laden then offered him additional operatives, including a member of his personal security detail. The original two Yemenis were instructed to focus on hijacking planes in East Asia.

Mohammed said through the various iterations of the plot, he considered using a scaled-down version of the Bojinka plan that would have bombed commercial airliners, and that he even "contemplated attempting to down the planes using shoes bombs," one report said.

The plot, he said, eventually evolved into hijacking a small number of planes in the United States and East Asia and either having them explode or crash into targets simultaneously, the reports stated.

By 1999, the four original operatives picked for the plot traveled to Afghanistan to train at one of bin Laden's camps. The focus, Mohammed said, was on specialized commando training, not piloting jets.

Mohammed's interrogations have revealed the planning and training of operatives was extraordinarily meticulous, including how to blend into American society, read telephone yellow pages, and research airline schedules.

A key event in the plot, Mohammed told his interrogators, was a meeting in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, in January 2000, that included al-Mihdhar, al-Hazmi and other Al Qaeda operatives. The CIA learned of the meeting beforehand and had it monitored by Malaysian security, but it did not realize the significance of the two eventual hijackers until just before the attacks.

The interrogation reports state bin Laden further trimmed Mohammed's plans in spring 2000 when he canceled the idea for hijackings in East Asia, thus narrowing it to the United States. Bin Laden thought "it would be too difficult to synchronize" attacks in the United States and Asia, one interrogation report quotes Mohammed as saying.

Mohammed said around that time he reached out to an Al Qaeda linked group in southeast Asia known as Jemaah Islamiyah. He began "recruiting JI operatives for inclusion in the hijacking plot as part of his second wave of hijacking attacks to occur after Sept. 11," one summary said.

Jemaah Islamiyah's operations chief, Riduan Isamuddin Hambali, had attended part of the January 2000 meeting in Kuala Lumpur but Mohammed said he was there at that time only because "as a rule had had to be informed" of events in his region. Later, Hambali's operative began training possible recruits for the second wave, according to the interrogation report.

One of those who received training in Malaysia before coming to the United States was Zacarias Moussaoui, the Frenchman accused of conspiring with the Sept. 11 attacks. Moussaoui has denied being part of the Sept. 11 plot, and U.S. and foreign intelligence officials have said he could have been set for hijacking a plane in a later wave of attacks.