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To: JohnM who wrote (9342)9/24/2003 11:57:16 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793759
 
I know California bores you to tears, but I am really happy to see Arnold take on the Indians. These guys are about as "Indian" as you or I. It is an outrageous ripoff, and a political travesty.
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California Insider

Arnold and the Indians
Arnold Schwarzenegger isn’t letting up on the Indian gaming issue. He is hitting harder. Perhaps he realizes that this is not the kind of fight in which you can engage halfway. Once he decided to take them on, he opened himself to a potentially massive counterattack from the gaming tribes, and so now he must go all the way. Today his campaign released a new radio commercial in which an announcer cites the casino tribes as the most powerful special interest in California and notes that they have spent $120 million in the past five years. The ad cites a Sacramento Bee report about a closed-door meeting with the gaming interests where Davis, Bustamante and McClintock “all made promises” to them. It cites an LA Times story on the amount the tribes have given to each of the campaigns. “Only one major candidate doesn’t take their money,” the announcer says. “Arnold Schwarzenegger.” Cut to Arnold:

“Their casinos make billions, yet pay no taxes and virtually nothing to the state. Other states require revenue from Indian gaming, but not us. It’s time for them to pay their fair share. All the other major candidates take their money and pander to them. I don’t play that game.”

The ad is similar to the television commercial Schwarzenegger started running this week but adds the names of his opponents and the details about their relationships with the tribes – no small alteration. Schwarzenegger seems to think he has found the issue to make his “special interest” charge real to the voters, to solidify his position as the only viable outsider who can bring change to Sacramento, even as he has surrounded himself with some of the Capitol’s most experienced insiders. He just might end up making special interest money the number 1 topic for the rest of the campaign.

Posted by dweintraub at 04:01 PM
sacbee.com



To: JohnM who wrote (9342)9/25/2003 12:35:57 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793759
 
Hmmm. Maybe Bill doesn't like the way Wesley stumbled coming out of the blocks.
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Clintons Say They Haven't Endorsed Clark
By ADAM NAGOURNEY and RAYMOND HERNANDEZ
NEW YORK TIMES

WASHINGTON, Sept. 24 — Former President Bill Clinton has called at least three Democratic presidential candidates in recent days to assure them that he is not favoring former Gen. Wesley K. Clark in the party's presidential contest and would help any Democrat who wants to run against President Bush, officials familiar with the discussion said today.

Officials close to Mr. Clinton said he was upset at what they described as the false perception in Democratic political circles that he and his wife, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, were seeking to anoint General Clark as the 2004 Democratic presidential candidate.

They said that the calls by Mr. Clinton to the presidential campaigns — along with a breakfast interview Mrs. Clinton gave to two dozen Washington reporters this morning - were intended to distance the Clintons from the Clark campaign and establish them as above the presidential fray.

The statements today came a week after General Clark said in an interview after entering the race that he had talked to the Clintons in the weeks leading up to his decision and that both had been encouraging of a Clark candidacy. In addition, General Clark has been surrounded by a number of strategists with ties to the Clintons.

At the interview this morning, Mrs. Clinton did not mention General Clark's name, and ducked opportunities to praise his credentials or candidacy. The New York senator threw her head back and laughed when asked about speculation that General Clark was a stalking horse to hold a spot for Mrs. Clinton to enter the race herself.

"I think that it is an absurd feat of imagination," she said. "We have been supportive to all of the candidates running in any way that they have requested — information that they have wanted from either Bill or me, advice that they solicit. We are not supporting or endorsing any candidate."

Mrs. Clinton once again denied that she had an interest in running for president in 2004. "I have nothing to add to my continuing position that I'm not running," she said.

Over the past few days, Democrats said today, her husband called the campaigns of at least three candidates - Howard Dean, Senator John Kerry and Senator Joseph I. Lieberman - to assert that he was not favoring General Clark in the race.

"Clinton reached out to several candidates to underscore that he was favoring no one in the race," said an adviser to Mr. Lieberman, of Connecticut, who was familiar with the call. "He wanted to reach out to say he was equally supportive of everyone in the race."

A spokesman for Mr. Clinton, Jim Kennedy, did not return telephone calls tonight. But in an e-mail message, he said that the former president would not take sides in the primary.

"He is not making an endorsement in this campaign until a nominee emerges from the process," Mr. Kennedy wrote.

The speculation has mounted in recent days after Mr. Clinton was quoted as telling guests at a dinner party at the Clinton's home in Chappaqua that there were the "two stars" in the Democratic Party — his wife and General Clark, who served as the supreme allied commander of NATO and conducted the war in Kosovo for President Clinton. A number of former Clinton political allies have signed up with the Clark campaign.

And General Clark, in the interview last week, also fueled the speculation.

One Democrat who had spoken to the Clintons said they felt their role in the Clark campaign had been exaggerated by Democrats close to the general, as they moved aggressively to advance his candidacy. "In fact, they are neutral and they want everyone to know they are neutral," this Democrat said.

General Clark, in an interview on NBC's "Today" show, also disputed the notion that he was the Clinton candidate. "No, I think I'm the people's candidate," he said. "I was drafted into this. There were 30,000 to 50,000 people throughout the United States who came together in a draft movement and they said, "You must run."

Dr. Dean said today that he had spoken with Mr. Clinton before General Clark formally declared his candidacy in Little Rock, Ark., last week, and that the former president had assured him that he was not backing General Clark in the race.

"I'm not sure that Bill Clinton is supporting Wes Clark," Dr. Dean said. "I think that's a bit of a conspiracy theory."

Here in Washington, Mrs. Clinton returned to the scene where her husband's first presidential bid took off 12 years ago: a breakfast for newsmakers sponsored by the Christian Science Monitor.

Several times, Mrs. Clinton ducked questions about what she thought of the candidacy of Mr. Clark, who has had some difficult times in the first few days of his campaign as he has tried to lay out his positions. At one point, Mrs. Clinton declined to answer a question about whether Mr. Clark would be an "effective president" as someone who has "no experience in politics and government."

Rather than defend him, the former first lady said she would leave that question to voters. "They're going to make their assessment about the qualifications, the ideas, the direction and vision that people want to lead the country," she said. "I'm going to leave it up to them."

Another time, Mrs. Clinton sidestepped a question posed to her about what qualifications she thought Mr. Clark brought to the Democratic presidential contest. "I'm not going to handicap any of the candidates," Mrs. Clinton said. "I think they all bring strengths. And, of course, they bring, you know, whatever their qualifications are."

nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (9342)9/25/2003 4:40:11 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793759
 
Democrats Picking at Nearest Targets: Each Other
Tone of Rivalry for Presidential Nomination Turns Harsher as Finger-Pointing Begins Among Top Five Candidates

By Jim VandeHei
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, September 25, 2003; Page A08

The Democratic presidential race, a rather collegial affair for much of the past year, is turning more negative and more personal as several leading candidates seek to distinguish themselves and discredit their rivals.

With five of the 10 Democratic candidates consistently bunched near the top of recent national polls, several are looking to protect or improve their standing by hitting their nearest rivals -- sometimes using questionable charges or remarks made nearly a decade ago.

Rep. Richard A. Gephardt (Mo.), who until recently rarely attacked by name, is slamming Howard Dean -- the favorite target of several campaigns -- for abandoning Democrats in past fights over gun control, trade and Medicare. Gephardt is unleashing his attack in speeches, ads, press releases and a new Web site: Deanfacts.com, which accuses the former governor of advocating unpopular changes to Medicare and Social Security in the mid-1990s.

Sen. John F. Kerry (Mass.) is whacking Gephardt and Dean for allegedly telling voters "America can retreat from the global economy," as part of their trade policies, even though neither has made such remarks. Kerry has gone after Dean in a more personal way, telling a reporter this past weekend the Vermont Democrat is not qualified to be president because he makes too many gaffes on the campaign trail.

Retired Army Gen. Wesley K. Clark is feeling the intensifying heat, too, as Kerry and aides to other candidates question Clark's commitment to the party. Just weeks ago, Clark announced he was a Democrat.

The new, more combative tone reflects the increasing pressure on all the leading candidates to differentiate themselves from the crowd. With the books about to close on the third-quarter fundraising period, the Democrats are scrambling to show voters and donors they have not just the message but also the muscle to defeat President Bush.

The candidates vacuumed up the easiest-to-get money during the first half of the year, so they are facing a more discerning crowd of party faithful who want to see signs of life and momentum before cutting checks. Several campaigns predicted today's debate in New York will feature the most pointed and personal exchanges yet.

The campaign is swinging into a critical phase, when more voters are tuning in to the race and the contests are starting to take shape in early voting states. Gephardt, for instance, is going after Dean, in large part because the former governor is eating into his support in Iowa, a must-win state for the Missouri congressman. It may be working: Erik Smith, Gephardt's spokesman, said Gephardt will raise more this quarter than he did during the last one, when the candidate was more collegial.

In many ways, Gephardt and Kerry are following the lead of Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman (Conn.), who has been highly critical of Dean, some of his other rivals and many Democrats for months. Lieberman's harsh critiques helped define him as the most conservative Democrat in the race.

Before Clark became a part of the race, the calculations seemed obvious to several campaigns: Gephardt needed to hold off Dean to win Iowa; Kerry needed to blow past Dean to win New Hampshire; and Lieberman and Sen. John Edwards (N.C.) needed to bide their time and make their moves in February.

But Clark is complicating matters for all as he jumped ahead of the pack in new national polls. The candidates are proceeding as if Clark never jumped in, taking a wait-and-see approach to his candidacy, but the retired general could undermine Gephardt, Kerry and the other candidates if his pledge to pursue a less divisive and more "patriotic" tone takes hold, political strategists said. Polls show voters are turned off by harsh personal attacks, though Democratic voters are shopping for a candidate tough enough to go toe-to-toe with Bush.

Mark Fabiani, an adviser, said Clark will purse a "more optimistic campaign" and encourage the others "to respect each other's points of view."

Personal attacks also might play into Bush's strategy to paint Democrats as divisive and angry. "The rhetoric we are seeing from the Democrats today is . . . a new low in presidential politics and goes beyond political discourse and amounts to political hate speech," Republican National Committee Chairman Ed Gillespie told reporters on Monday in what is becoming one of his standard lines.

Dean is making a similar case, as he tries to deflect the criticism coming from Gephardt, Kerry and Lieberman. "It's bad for them" and the party, Dean said. "I think they are in real trouble . . . and making it worse" by attacking fellow Democrats.

Gephardt, however, feels Dean has misrepresented himself as a defender of the party when he undercut the party on Medicare and other issues in 1990s. At the time, Dean did applaud efforts to slow the rate of Medicare's growth, and said the government should consider raising the retirement age for Social Security to 70. In a recent letter to supporters, Gephardt's campaign manager, Steve Murphy, pointedly accused Dean of breaking ranks with the Democratic Party during fights over gun control and Medicare cuts.

Kerry, whose campaign has been locked in a debate for several months over how hard to hit Dean and when, is intensifying his attacks, too. This past weekend, Kerry told a reporter in New York that Dean "has been imploding" because he is making so many gaffes over Israel. Dean recently infuriated many Jewish leaders by suggesting the United States should not take sides in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and calling suicide bombers from the terrorist organization Islamic Resistance Movement, or Hamas, "soldiers."

"You can't make 15 gaffes a week and be president," Kerry said in recent remarks picked up by several news organizations. On Monday, Kerry went after Dean again, this time accusing him of jeopardizing U.S. jobs with his anti-trade rhetoric. "Anger and attacks are all well and good," Kerry said. "But when it comes to our jobs, we need a president who can build a barn and not just kick it down."

Dean's response: "I think these guys are cutting their own throats" by going on the attack. "I need to stay above the fray -- voters don't like what they are doing."

washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (9342)9/25/2003 7:01:57 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793759
 
This article is right. There is a major story here by Burns that the "Times" is spiking.
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press box
The Rat of Baghdad
Who tattled on New York Times reporter John F. Burns to the Iraqi ministry of information?
By Jack Shafer
Posted Wednesday, September 24, 2003, at 4:12 PM PT

If the interview New York Times reporter John F. Burns gave to the editors of Embedded: The Media at War in Iraq is completely on the level—and I have no reason to think it isn't—the Times is sitting on a daisy-cutter of a scoop about perfidy and malfeasance by a member of the Baghdad press corps. And it's not just the Times holding back. Few in the mainstream press seem interested in identifying the reporter Burns says ratted him out to the Iraqi ministry of information.

Burns details the occupational hazards of reporting from a totalitarian, murderous country in his Embedded interview, excerpted in Editor & Publisher and on the Wall Street Journal op-ed page. The Iraqi regime was ghastly, Burns says, but he saves his special scorn for the foreign correspondents who ignored how "Saddam had turned this country into a slaughterhouse." They sucked up to the Iraqi minister of information, wining and dining him, "plying him with mobile phones at $600 each for members of his family, and giving bribes of thousands of dollars." Burns, who names no names, says TV correspondents gave hundreds of thousands of dollars in bribes to senior members of the ministry and then "behaved as if they were in Belgium. They never mentioned the function of minders. Never mentioned terror."

It's not unprecedented for TV correspondents to bribe their way into a country or for reporters to flatter their handlers to win a visa extension, but Burns does visit new territory with his shocking claim that a correspondent "with a major American newspaper," seeking the favor of the Iraqis, printed copies of his and other reporters' stories and gave them to the ministry of information "to show what a good boy he was compared to this enemy of the state"—namely Burns.

Now, newspaper reporters slander the competition to their official sources all the time. But it's one thing for the Gazette to tell a sewage commissioner bad things about the Clarion and quite another for a journalist reporting from a genocidal state such as Iraq to show authorities how unnecessarily critical his rival is.

That John Burns was unflinching in his reporting from Iraq and damned the authorities at every turn would have come as no news to his minders from the ministry of information. ("How Many People Has Hussein Killed?" reads the headline of a sample Burns article from Jan. 26, 2003.) But by performing his comparative literature review with the Iraqi ministry using Burns' copy, did the unnamed American correspondent end up taunting the ministry for allowing Burns to write so damagingly? Did the unnamed American correspondent's comparison draw an extra set of crosshairs on Burns' forehead and put him in even greater peril? Did the unnamed correspondent encourage the Iraqis to further play one foreign correspondent off the other?

The Burns accusation places under a cloud every journalist who reported for a "major American newspaper" from Baghdad at the same time Burns did. The Burns accusation says to readers: An unscrupulous reporter for a major American paper sought official favor from a Stalinist regime by unfairly denigrating the work of a much-esteemed Times reporter and two-time winner of the Pulitzer Prize so that he could write softer pieces than Burns.

If the Burns allegation is true, elementary news judgment—at least from where I type—would dictate that any reporter who knows the mystery reporter's identity and the circumstances surrounding the incident should clear the cloud by writing the story, or at the very least speak for the record. That of course includes Burns, who has not responded to an e-mail request for an interview, but who has also not disputed the accuracy of his interview, which has been discussed on the Fox News channel and written about in the New York Daily News, the Weekly Standard Web site, the New York Sun, and elsewhere. (The reporters interviewed for this story who worked alongside Burns in Baghdad either didn't know the mystery reporter's identity or declined to discuss the details of the incident.)

I'm certain that the accused reporter's readers would like to know his identity, and I'm fairly certain his editors would, too. I stop short of accusing Burns' colleagues of silent complicity in a cover-up, but not by much.

It's possible that Burns is mistaken about the incident. He is maddeningly vague in the interview about when it happened, which doesn't boost his credibility. (Also, if there's something unseemly about an anonymous source flinging an accusation at a named person, how do we feel about a public accuser who lodges his complaint against an anonymous person?) Whatever the merits of Burns' accusation, the cloud will never be lifted unless some nosey parker journalist asks the questions or somebody in the know comes forward.

New York Times Executive Editor Bill Keller says he can't speak for Burns but says his reporter is under no "obligation to identify somebody who behaved badly." In Keller's reading, Burns didn't sit down to write an exposé of his colleagues in Baghdad but merely tossed out the anecdote to illustrate the point of how journalists were being too solicitous of Iraqi authorities.

"The victim of the offense is John, and it's up to him whether he wants to press charges," says Keller.

Channeling Burns, I come to a different conclusion. In his Embedded interview, Burns has this to say about journalistic accountability:

Editors of great newspapers, and small newspapers, and editors of great television networks should exact from their correspondents the obligation of telling the truth about these places. It's not impossible to tell the truth. I have a conviction about closed societies, that they're actually much easier to report on than they seem, because the act of closure is itself revealing. Every lie tells you a truth. If you just leave your eyes and ears open, it's extremely revealing.

Burns concludes by saying, "There is corruption in our business. We need to get back to basics. This war should be studied and talked about. In the run up to this war, to my mind, there was a gross abdication of responsibility. You have to be ready to listen to whispers."

So, in a voice somewhere between a whisper and a hallo, I'm asking Burns, et al.: Who ratted on John Burns?

******

Who ratted on John Burns? Send e-mail to pressbox@hotmail.com. (E-mail may be quoted unless the writer stipulates otherwise.)

Jack Shafer is Slate's editor at large.

Article URL: slate.msn.com