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Politics : WHO IS RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT IN 2004 -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Glenn Petersen who wrote (5135)9/28/2003 10:02:04 PM
From: calgal  Respond to of 10965
 
Aren't they going in circles?



To: Glenn Petersen who wrote (5135)9/28/2003 11:03:30 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 10965
 
Book Faults Bush for Pursuing Notion of American 'Empire'

__________________________________________________________

Clark Wants More Foreign Aid, New Department to Handle It
By Bradley Graham
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, September 29, 2003; Page A05

A new book by Wesley K. Clark, the retired Army general running for president, calls for a major expansion in U.S. foreign assistance programs and establishment of a Department of International Assistance to manage the initiative.

"Focusing our humanitarian and developmental efforts through a single, responsible department will help us bring the same kind of sustained attention to alleviating deprivation, misery, ethnic conflict and poverty that we have brought to the problem of warfare," Clark writes.

In a searing critique, Clark accuses the Bush administration of carrying out a wrenching turn in U.S. foreign policy away from traditional American principles. He cites what he says has been an overemphasis on unilateralism and overreliance on the U.S. military to pursue the notion of "a new American empire."

Clark argues for adoption of "a more collaborative, collegiate" U.S. strategy marked by renewed cooperation with such international organizations as the United Nations and NATO and backed by substantial economic and political development aid.

But Clark puts no price tag on this proposed boost in aid and provides few specifics about how the United States should proceed. He focuses more on articulating problems than detailing solutions.

Release of the book, titled "Winning Modern Wars" and shipped to stores last week, coincides with Clark's entrance this month into the race for the Democratic presidential nomination.

Publisher Peter Osnos of PublicAffairs said the book was not conceived as a campaign manifesto. Osnos, who published another book by Clark two years ago on the retired general's military experiences, said he suggested in May that Clark pursue a second book that would combine and expand on much of Clark's commentary as a CNN analyst during the Iraq war. "It certainly wasn't part of any grand plan," Osnos said in a phone interview.

But while Clark was writing the book, he was considering running for president. Now that Clark is a candidate, the book is sure to be read as a political document for insights into his views on foreign and national security policy.

The first part of the book reiterates Clark's criticism of the conduct of the Iraq war. Although the ouster of the government of Saddam Hussein in just three weeks has widely been hailed as a military success, Clark maintains that the war plan contained "fundamental flaws" that raised the level of risk to U.S. troops.

He faults the administration for skimping on the forces made available to military commanders and for shortchanging postwar planning.

He also blames it for failing to enlist support from the United Nations and NATO, which, he says, would have provided greater international legitimacy and additional foreign troops and other resources.

"It has thus far been a perfect example of dominating an enemy force but failing to secure the victory," Clark says of the administration's experience in Iraq.

Similarly critical of the conduct of the broader war on terrorism, Clark argues that the administration has blundered by focusing the nation on a war against Iraq rather than keeping its sights on al Qaeda, the perpetrator of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Clark contends that this "flawed strategy" has led to a deteriorating situation in Afghanistan and the underestimated postwar challenges in Iraq.

The larger point of the book deals with what Clark considers the damaging consequences of the administration's pursuit of a "quasi-imperial vision" aimed at liberating people around the world. This strategy, among other things, is imposing a severe strain on the U.S. Army, which, in Clark's words, "isn't an army of empire -- at least not yet." It was built for combat, not occupation, Clark says.

Clark argues that the whole notion of an American empire runs counter to deep historical currents in this country. The "American way," he says, "was not to rely on coercion and hard pressure but on persuasion and shared vision." Borrowing a term from Joseph S. Nye Jr., dean of the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, Clark says American power in the 20th century was marked by "soft power" based on diplomacy and persuasion.

Soon after taking office, the Bush administration launched the country on a different course, Clark says, reflecting "a more unilateralist, balance-of-power stamp." He cites the U.S. withdrawal from international efforts to address global warming under the Kyoto treaty and the decision to proceed with a national missile defense system. The administration's response to the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks only reinforced these defiant, high-handed tendencies, Clark argues.

"Overnight, U.S. foreign policy became not only unilateralist but moralistic, intensely patriotic and assertive, planning military action against Iraq and perhaps other states in the Middle East, and intimating the New American Empire," he writes.

The result, he says, has been damaging to long-term U.S. interests. The administration's approach has hampered counter-terrorism efforts, undercut NATO and "turned upside down five decades of work to establish an international system to help reduce conflict," he writes.

To reverse these trends, Clark urges measures to soften America's image again and place renewed emphasis on nonmilitary options.

In the war on terrorism in particular, he recommends greater focus "on getting at Islamic terrorism's root causes," including extreme Wahhabite ideology, funding from Saudi Arabia and madrassas, or Islamic schools, in Pakistan.

The difficulties confronting U.S. forces in stabilizing Iraq, Clark suggests, are likely to dampen the administration's earlier ambitions. He endorses the administration's plan to try to accelerate the turnover of political authority to the Iraqis, building up Iraqi security forces and gradually drawing down U.S. troop levels.

Even so, he predicts, the United States will still have as many as 75,000 forces in Iraq next summer, and the U.S. military will need several years and additional resources to recover from being stretched as much as it has been by the Iraqi conflict.

"So soon after the defeat of Iraq, the image of U.S. armed forces as the heart of a new empire -- as a liberating force sweeping through the states of the Middle East, brushing aside terrorist-sponsoring regimes to create a new American empire of Western-style democracies -- seems to be a fading vision," he writes.

© 2003 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: Glenn Petersen who wrote (5135)9/29/2003 9:38:57 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 10965
 
Hugh Shelton smears Wes Clark.

_________________________________________

Frag Officer
By William Saletan
Posted Monday, September 29, 2003, at 3:20 PM PT

slate.msn.com

I have a problem with Wesley Clark's former boss and current bad-mouther, Gen. Hugh Shelton. The problem has to do with Shelton's integrity and character. Let's just say that if Shelton runs for office, he won't get my vote.

A couple of weeks ago, Shelton, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was asked at a forum in California, "What do you think of Gen. Wesley Clark, and would you support him as a presidential candidate?" Shelton replied, "I've known Wes for a long time. I will tell you the reason he came out of Europe early [i.e., was forced to step down as commander of U.S. forces in Europe] had to do with integrity and character issues, things that are very near and dear to my heart. I'm not going to say whether I'm a Republican or a Democrat. I'll just say Wes won't get my vote."

Shelton's remarks appeared in the Los Altos Town Crier on Sept. 23. On Sept. 24, the Republican National Committee disseminated them in an e-mail alert. The New York Times sought clarification from Shelton but reported that he "could not be reached for comment." Since then, the remarks have reappeared in numerous wire stories, TV broadcasts, and newspaper articles. The New York Post trumpeted "the revelation that [Shelton] says Clark lacks the character to be president" and suggested it was one of several "hints that maybe Clark isn't all that." A Post op-ed added, "It makes you suspect that [Shelton] knows whereof he speaks when he says Clark's forced early retirement as head of NATO 'had to do with integrity and character issues.' " On CNBC, former Rep. Susan Molinari, R-N.Y., asked, "What do we know about [Clark]? He supported Bush. He said nice things about Condi Rice. Gen. Shelton says that there's issues of character and integrity that need to be discussed." On Fox News, Tony Snow said Clark "didn't run the military. He was run out of the military. … [Shelton] says Clark was, in effect, fired as the supreme allied commander for reasons of integrity and character."

I've searched news databases and found only one person who's pointed out that Shelton has a duty to clarify his accusation. Last Friday, my colleague, Chris Suellentrop, appeared on the Fox News show The Big Story With John Gibson. Gibson recited Shelton's quotes, posited that Shelton "had to have a good reason" to fire Clark, and concluded, "Integrity—that means, does the guy lie? Does he tell the truth to his bosses?" Suellentrop argued that Shelton "should say more of what he means by that. What character issues? What integrity issues?" But Gibson persisted:

'Why do you think it is that none of the other nine candidates in this debate yesterday didn't turn around and say, Gen. Clark, what integrity issues, what character issues, why were you fired? No one said a word about this. Is somebody covering something up or are they just … Is there a khaki wall that is going to close around Clark and we are not going to find out what it was that Hugh Shelton and evidently more people at that level felt about him? … Could it be because these issues, the words "integrity and character," are so large that if [Democratic rivals] fried Clark now they may not have somebody that they want to run with [on the ticket]? The Democrats cannot attack this guy or find out what these issues were because it's too bad, they may need him?'

Whoa. We don't know that Clark lied. We don't know that the grounds on which Shelton got rid of him were valid. We don't know that when Shelton challenges Clark's integrity, Shelton knows whereof he speaks. We don't know that "more people" at Shelton's level doubted Clark's integrity. All we know is that some military honchos have criticized Clark's style anonymously and that Shelton has challenged Clark's integrity. We don't know whether these two sets of allegations are related, or whether other military leaders who have issues with Clark would characterize them as issues of integrity.

What we do know from widespread reporting is that Shelton resented Clark for going over his head to the Clinton White House, the State Department, and the media. That's the closest thing to a Clark-Shelton "integrity" issue I can find in the public record. If that's Shelton's beef, he ought to say so and let others judge whether it calls into question Clark's integrity.

While he's at it, Shelton ought to explain why, if sneaking around your boss to go to the media is a grave character issue, sneaking around your former subordinate to go to the media with an unfalsifiable insinuation about him isn't. Clark says Shelton never came to him directly: "I have never heard anything about these integrity and character issues." Clark also says he has "no idea" what they are. Until Shelton clarifies the charge, Clark can't rebut it. He's presumed guilty of something serious. That's why Gibson's complaint is upside-down. If somebody is covering up what Shelton is talking about, that somebody is Shelton. And the cover-up isn't helping Clark; it's hurting him.

A wise friend once told me you can learn more about somebody from what he says about others than from what others say about him. Given what I've heard so far from Clark and Shelton, if I had to vote for one of them based on integrity and character, I'd go with Clark.



To: Glenn Petersen who wrote (5135)9/30/2003 11:52:16 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 10965
 
Soros calls for 'regime change' in US
_______________________________________________

Billionaire philanthropist George Soros has called for an end to the Bush administration ahead of next year's presidential elections.

news.bbc.co.uk

Mr Soros - whose Foundations Network has given $1bn around the world to various causes to help tackle poverty and disease - told BBC Radio 4's United Nations Or Not? programme that the US would only stop pursuing "extremist" policies if there was a change at the White House.

"It is only possible if you have a regime change in the United States - in other words if President Bush is voted out of power.

"I am very hopeful that people will wake up and realise that they have been led down the garden path, that actually 11 September has been hijacked by a bunch of extremists to put into effect policies that they were advocating before such as the invasion of Iraq."

Imposing power

Mr Soros added that there was a "false ideology" behind the policies of the Bush administration.

The US is now discovering that it is extremely painful and certainly costly to go it alone

George Soros
"There is a group of - I would call them extremists - who have the following belief: that international relations are relations of power, not of law, that international law will always follow what power has achieved," he said.

"And therefore [they believe] the United States being the most powerful nation on earth should impose its power, impose its will and its interests on the world and it should do it looking after itself.

"I think this is a very dangerous ideology. It is very dangerous because America is in fact very powerful."

He added that he felt US actions in the build-up to the war on Iraq was evidence of an extremist element in the Bush administration.

"Probably President Chirac would not disagree with this philosophy but he is not so powerful - so I am not so worried about what France is doing," Mr Soros said, referring to France's opposition to the war.

"But America being really the dominant power to be in the grips of such an extremist ideology is very dangerous for the world and that is my major concern."

However, he added that he felt the rift between the US and the United Nations over the war - which President Bush referred to as a "difficult and defining moment" for the UN - had in fact strengthened the UN, rather than weakened it.

"I think that the United States has over-reached," he said.

"What happens to extremists is that they go to extremes and the falsehood in their ideology becomes apparent.

"In a democracy the electorate - which is not extremist - will punish them and they know it, so they have to retreat.

"I think there is a good chance that the US will yet turn to a greater extent to the United Nations because they are now discovering that it is extremely painful and certainly costly to go it alone so in the end the outcome may be to strengthen the United Nations."

State interests

Mr Soros was, however, critical of the UN for what it sees as its inability to function well as a collective of states.

Soros only once gave money to the UN - in Bosnia
"The United Nations is not an organisation that is terribly effective in promoting open society because it is an association of states... states always put their national interests ahead of the common interest.

"So it is not a very effective organisation for changing conditions inside states."

Mr Soros has a history of donating great sums of money to areas in need around the world - but only once has he done this through the UN.

"In Bosnia we gave it to UNHCR - but that was really quite the exception.

"We do interfere in the internal affairs of states, but based on supporting people inside the country who take a certain stance.

"We have actually been quite effective in bringing about democratisation, democratic regime change in Slovakia, Croatia and Yugoslavia, but that's by helping civil society in those countries to mobilise."

Positive response

Mr Soros is highly critical of much government bureaucracy, preferring to make his donations directly to those in need as much as possible.

In June this year he announced he would be drastically cutting back the money he gave to Russia.

And he said that money his fund was pledging to the fight against HIV/Aids would be "more effective" because it was going "only through a governmental organisation."

He conceded too that President Bush's policies on the HIV/Aids pandemic were positive.

"There is some response in America, in the Bush administration, to pressure from some of their constituencies - so there is the Millennium Challenge account, the contribution on fighting HIV/Aids," Mr Soros said.

"Those are positive aspects of the Bush administration. I am very supportive of the Millennium Challenge account - this is the new development aid that they are putting in - and I am very supportive and delighted that President Bush is willing to contribute to the global fund on Aids.

"So I am critical on some aspects of the Bush administration but not every aspect - and here I am actually very supportive."