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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (116046)10/2/2003 11:13:33 AM
From: Neocon  Respond to of 281500
 
From the recent issue of Time magazine:

Baghdad Today

Progress, Inch by Inch

By Simon Robinson I Baghdad

Posted Sunday, September 28, 2003
Lying on a beaten-up hospital bed with two bullets in his right leg, Amar Ali Najim has plenty to complain about. A few hours earlier, the Baghdad policeman had responded to reports that a gang of thieves was menacing a market. Arriving on the scene, Najim and his colleagues walked straight into a trap, presumably set by the gunmen who shot him and two other cops. But even in his current state, immobile and connected to an intravenous drip, Najim, 37, is upbeat. Things in Iraq are getting better, he says: "The violence has dropped by half. We still have gangs, but at least now we are challenging them."

The news out of Iraq in recent months has been mostly dreary. Since the beginning of August, three major terrorist attacks have killed at least 115 people. Strikes on American troops continue, and the job of rebuilding the country seems overwhelming at times. Yet as the scorching temperatures of summer give way to the occasional cooling breeze of fall, there is a short but growing list of achievements worth noting. Traffic cops have tamed some of Baghdad's worst intersections, crews of cleaners are tidying the streets, and the power supply has slowly improved.

A Gallup poll published last week found that while nearly half the Iraqis questioned felt the situation in their country was worse now than before the war, two-thirds thought that within five years their lives would be better than before the invasion. Most deemed the current sacrifices worthwhile: 62% were happy that Saddam Hussein is gone. "I'm optimistic," says liquor-store owner Hussam Nadim, whose sales have tripled since the chaotic period of three months ago, during which his shop was hit by a rocket-propelled grenade. "With time and a lot of work, I see things improving."

Many ordinary Iraqis complain that the media of other Arab nations are misrepresenting the situation, painting a one-dimensional picture of chaos and widespread antipathy to the U.S. Many Iraqis attribute the distortion to lingering Arab-media sympathies toward the Saddam regime. "They are wicked people," says Salah al-Sheikh, 31, a guard at an Arab embassy. "They say Americans are occupiers, but they are here to help us." The Governing Council last week temporarily barred two popular Arab satellite networks from attending council meetings.

Al-Yarmuk Hospital, where Najim was rushed when he was shot, exemplifies how things are moving forward. In early April, during the final days of heavy combat, the facility was almost emptied by looters. "They took beds, air-conditioners, linen, food, ultrasound machines, computers—anything they could carry out," says hospital director Mahdi Jasim Moosa. Since then, the hospital has been refurnished. Some equipment was returned by looters under pressure from neighbors and imams. New fittings have been bought with funds raised in a local mosque and donations from welfare organizations like the Red Cross and CARE. The number of shooting and stabbing victims admitted to the hospital spiked to roughly 20 a day after the war, but is down to half that, according to doctors. "It is not ideal," says Moosa, "but then it was not ideal in Saddam's time. Psychologically, we are much better today."

Engineer Adal Abdulhadi agrees. He oversees a crew of 70 street cleaners and painters employed by the city to spiff up the tony Baghdad suburb of Mansur. For between $3 and $5 a day, the men have cleared away most of the trash that piled up during the war and are now painting the gutters shiny yellow and white. The program may largely be a make-work exercise for local men, Abdulhadi acknowledges, but it's "better than them sitting around doing nothing but getting angry with the Americans."

The slowly improving power supply is also lifting spirits in Baghdad. It helps that cooler weather means fewer air-conditioners now drain the city's decrepit grid. Electricity output is up, if not yet to prewar levels. Two weeks ago, the Ministry of Electricity began hiring the first of more than 4,000 "power police" to patrol thousands of miles of lines across the country to help prevent sabotage.

Of course, the list of problems facing Iraq is still long: resistance to the U.S. occupation remains vicious; the vital oil industry is a shambles; elections are months away. Against these challenges, tidier neighborhoods and repainted roads may seem trifling matters. But in postwar Iraq, any small victory is appreciated.


With reporting by Vivienne Walt/Baghdad

time.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (116046)10/2/2003 11:15:08 AM
From: Neocon  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Here is a quote from the cover story that is worth noting:

Critics insist that Bush and Blair stretched the available intelligence on WMD until it fit their predetermined decision to go to war. But that can't be the whole story. There is no doubt many British and U.S. officials really believed that Saddam had at least chemical and biological weapons—the British government, certainly, would never have taken the risk of waging an unpopular war if it had genuinely thought there was nothing deadly to be found in Iraq. And in their conviction that Saddam was hiding something, Bush and Blair were not alone. Top members of Bill Clinton's Administration were also convinced that Saddam had WMD programs, and in an interview with Time in February, even Chirac said it was "probable" that Iraq had chemical and biological weapons. U.N. weapons inspectors had long said that Iraq had not accounted for all the WMD discovered in the 1990s.

Why were so many people so sure that Saddam had WMD? In part, of course, because he did once have them—and until challenged by U.N. inspectors after the first Gulf War had tried to conceal them. There may, however, have been another reason: Saddam himself apparently thought he had them. Sources tell Time that Western intelligence intercepted communications from Saddam that indicated he was taking a keen interest in the progress of ongoing WMD programs. It may be that evidence of such programs will yet turn up. Or possibly Saddam may have been duped by his own scientists, who didn't tell him their work on WMD was not getting far. (It would have been a brave Iraqi who crossed Saddam on that point.) Alternatively, in the hall of mirrors that was Iraq, Saddam may have been trying to fool everyone into thinking that he had something he hadn't. But if the assumption that Saddam had deadly weapons looks, at least for now, to have been mistaken, it was to an extent understandable....


time.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (116046)10/2/2003 11:36:56 AM
From: Ilaine  Respond to of 281500
 
Re: Alamoudi: >>Who, and What, Does He Know?

Newsweek Web Exclusive

Federal prosecutors have obtained intriguing evidence that a prominent Muslim activist who helped recruit chaplains for the U.S. military may have had far more extensive contacts with suspected terrorists than was previously known, including meetings with a well-known associate of the September 11 hijackers, NEWSWEEK has learned.

THE EVIDENCE--SOME of which has been obtained from German police files--adds a potential new dimension to the widening espionage investigation centered on translators and chaplains at the U.S. naval prison for Al Qaeda and Taliban prisoners at Guantanomo Bay, Cuba. An ex-U.S. soldier who served as an Arabic-language translator at the base was detained yesterday, the third arrest in a case that has prompted the Pentagon to launch a full scale probe into its program for certifying Islamic chaplains in the military.

The Muslim activist, Abdurahman Muhammed Alamoudi, president of the American Muslim Foundation, played a key role in the chaplain program, publicly boasting to reporters that he was first person authorized by the U.S. military to recruit Islamic clerics.

Alamoudi also became a leading public spokesman for Muslim-related causes in the United States, advocating greater political outreach and forging alliances with government officials--in part by donating thousands of dollars in campaign contributions, including $1,000 to both Hillary Clinton and George W. Bush during the 2000 elections. (Both donations were later returned.)

But the activities of Alamoudi have taken on a far different context for federal investigators in light of the activist's arrest last Sunday at Washington's Dulles airport on charges that he made illegal trips to Libya and accepted $340,000 in cash from an agent of a Libyan front group that was handed to him in a small Samsonite-style briefcase in a hotel room in London last August.

The exact nature of Alamoudi's relations with suspected terrorists is still far from clear--and there have been at least some suggestions by former associates that the activist's main interest in allegedly taking the cash may have been to set himself up as a business agent for the Libyan government rather than as one to fund terrorism. (Alamoudi's lawyer yesterday denied he had done anything "illegal, immoral or unacceptable.")

But that is clearly not the theory of Justice Department prosecutors who yesterday suggested during a federal detention hearing that Alamoudi accepted the cash with the intention of flying to Syria and delivering it to the leaders of Palestinian terrorist groups.

Prosecutors readily acknowledge they cannot prove at this point Alamoudi's real intentions in taking the Libyan cash, although for their immediate purposes it is irrelevant. Libya remains on the U.S. sanctions list as a terrorist state, and Alamoudi has been charged with violating International Economic Emergency Powers Act, which bars financial transactions with such countries.

Still, prosecutors yesterday disclosed a wealth of new evidence aimed at showing that, at a minimum, Alamoudi has privately sympathized with terrorists. In a secretly recorded conversation after the 1998 bombing of two U.S. embassies in Africa, Alamoudi called the attacks by Al Qaeda "wrong" but then added: "What is the result you achieve in destroying an embassy in an African country? I prefer to hit a Zionist target in America or Europe ... I prefer, honestly, like what happened in Argentina ... The Jewish Community Center. It is a worthy operation." (The reference was apparently to the July 18, 1994, car-bombing of a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires that killed 86 people.) U.S. Judge Theresa Buchanan ordered Alamoudi held without bail after the hearing.

Equally intriguing, NEWSWEEK has learned, is other evidence recently obtained by prosecutors from German police files showing that Alamoudi also had meetings in the fall of 2000 with Mohammed Belfas, an elder from the Islamic community in Hamburg who had multiple ties to key figures in the September 11 terror attacks. Belfas--who once shared an apartment with Ramzi bin al-Shibh, one of the orchestrators of the September 11 attacks--had come to the United States in the fall of 2000 along with a young Muslim acquaintance from Hamburg.

From the outset, federal investigators have suspected there was far more to the trip by Belfas and his associate, Agus Budiman, than sightseeing. After the September 11 attacks, German police raided Belfas's Hamburg apartment and found pictures of the two young Indonesian Muslims in front of the Pentagon and Capitol Hill, a discovery that led some to believe they were on a scouting mission for possible targets for the September 11 attacks. They also discovered multiple connections between the two men and several leaders of the September 11 plot, including bin al-Shibh and Mohammed Atta, the ringleader of the hijackers.

Adding further to suspicions: Budiman, who stayed in the United States and took a job as a pizza-delivery man, later pled guilty to assisting Belfas in obtaining a fraudulent ID card using a phony Arlington, Va., address near the Pentagon.

Investigators readily acknowledge they were never able to establish whether the two men were innocent dupes of the hijackers or co-conspirators. Budiman denied he had any knowledge of the terrorist attacks. Similarly, Belfas also denies any connection to terrorism and has never been charged, although he remains under scrutiny by the German police.

But his recently discovered dealings with Alamoudi are likely to get new attention. Among the evidence seized from Belfas's apartment is a picture showing Belfas and Budiman meeting with Alamoudi at his office in Arlington. Belfas later told police he got to know Alamoudi because he hoped Alamaoudi would help him find a new building for an Islamic social-service center in Hamburg. In addition, Alamoudi wrote a letter on personal letterhead recommending Belfas to an Islamic editor in Munich.

Rita Katz, president of the SITE Institute, a Washington-based anti-terrorism investigative organization, said the meetings between Alamoudi and Belfas need further scrutiny--especially in light of Alamoudi's apparent terrorist sympathies.

"For the last decade, Mr. Alamoudi has had two faces," said Katz. "At the same time, he pretends to be working with the U.S. government, he has expressed support for terrorist groups. He has misled the Muslim public."

Alamoudi's lawyer, May Kheder, did not return a phone call seeking comment. But yesterday, during his federal detention hearing, she called her client "an advocate of religious freedom in America" and "religious tolerance."

© 2003 Newsweek, Inc.

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