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To: JohnM who wrote (10246)10/1/2003 10:28:11 PM
From: Tom Clarke  Respond to of 793690
 
It's clear Wilson hates the hawks in the administration. And he has allies. Bush needs to put a stop to this turf war now.



To: JohnM who wrote (10246)10/1/2003 11:25:26 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (4) | Respond to of 793690
 
I sounds like this came out of Cheney's shop. And that makes sense. Looks like someone there will get fired, indicted, spend a lot of money on a Washington Lawyer, and get off. BTW, has Torricelli been "Frogged Marched" yet? :>)
______________________________________________________________________________________

A Brief History of Classified Leaks
No public official has leaked a CIA employee's identity since...oh, 1995 or so.

By Jim Geraghty, a reporter for States News Service, a regular contributor to NRO.

The Joe Wilson brouhaha has been front-page news in the Washington Post for three days, the top story on the cable talking-heads shows, network news, and now the subject of a partisan rhetorical showdown on the Senate floor. Obviously, this bizarre circumstance, in which a prominent Washington official is alleged to have leaked the identity of a CIA employee and endangered intelligence sources, is unprecedented and unparalleled, right?

Well, not exactly.

In 1995, then-Rep. Robert G. Torricelli, Democrat of New Jersey, was told by a State Department employee that a paid CIA informant, Guatemalan Col. Julio Roberto Alpirez, was involved in the killing of the husband of an American citizen.

Then a member of the House Intelligence Committee, Torricelli complained the CIA was doing nothing to uncover the facts of the case for the widow, Jennifer Harbury.

Of course, Alpirez's identity and ties to the CIA were classified; Torricelli revealed them anyway. In March 1995, Torricelli listed Alpirez's name and his connection to the CIA in a letter to President Clinton and gave a copy of the letter to the New York Times.

The House of Representatives's ethics committee ruled several months later that Torricelli acted "contrary" to a House rule when he disclosed the classified information. But the panel said it would not punish Torricelli because of "ambiguity" in the rule.

Eventually, the House passed a rule creating a secrecy oath that must be signed by any member or staffer trying to gain access to classified information. Under the new rules, revealing information the way Torricelli did is forbidden.

The House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence released a report concluding that "none of the allegations" originally raised by Torricelli were true. Committee Democrats, however, said in a minority rebuttal that "this categorical assertion is not supported by the evidence."

However, the Democrats did not dispute the part of the report that ripped Torricelli for publicly revealing the information. While there's still debate as to whether publicizing the CIA employment of Joe Wilson's wife will damage U.S. intelligence gathering, the impact of Torricelli's leak was clear, according to the Intelligence Committee review:

"The CIA has given the Committee evidence that the disclosures concerning Guatemala have resulted in the loss of some contacts around the world, who feared their relationship with the United States would be disclosed as well," the report said.

The State Department aide who gave the information to Torricelli, Richard Nuccio, was stripped of his security clearance by then-CIA Director John Deutch.

The intelligence report also offered a mild rebuke of Nuccio. The report noted that a separate investigation by the State Department Inspector General found that besides passing the information to Torricelli, Nuccio "may have also provided classified information to members of the press, and had prepared classified documents on his home computer that he then telecopied over unsecure telephone lines."

What were the consequences to Nuccio? Well, the leak controversy and the loss of his security clearance ended his career in the executive branch, and he resigned from the State Department. But it turned out he made the right friends on Capitol Hill. From March 1997 until January 1998 he was senior foreign-policy adviser to Torricelli. During 1998 and 1999, Dr. Nuccio was an adviser to Fernando Zumbado, director of the United Nations Development Program's Latin American and Caribbean bureau; served as a consultant to the RAND Corporation, and to the Peace Research Institute of Oslo (PRIO). In April 2000, he was named founding director of the Pell Center for International Relations and Public Policy at Salve Regina University.

Recalling the messy Torricelli-Nuccio-Alpirez affair, security-minded Americans can at least take solace that then-CIA director John Deutch was on the ball when it comes to protecting classified information, right?

Wrong again! George Tenet, Deutch's successor as CIA director, announced in August 1999 that he had stripped Deutch of his CIA security clearance as a penalty for keeping classified documents on ordinary home computers that were not protected by locks, encryption or other security devices.

In fact, until February 2000, Deutch still had a Pentagon security clearance that allowed him to work as a paid consultant on classified Defense Department contracts with Raytheon Corp., SAIC Corp. and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Thankfully, the taxpayers have Congress to investigate these leaks, because in the post-9/11 era, the legislative branch has a preeminent duty to oversee intelligence agencies and make sure sensitive information doesn't get leaked... when they're not leaking that information themselves.

The day of the 9/11 attacks, Sen. Orrin Hatch, a Utah Republican, told the Associated Press that intelligence agencies "have an intercept of some information that includes people associated with [Osama] bin Laden who acknowledged a couple of targets were hit."

He made similar comments to ABC News and said the information had come from officials at the CIA and FBI. White House officials were more than mildly displeased with the Hatch at the time.

"Well, that helps a lot! [Expletive]!" one administration official told the Chicago Tribune.

In November 2001, President Bush accused unnamed lawmakers of leaking secrets last week to the news media. For one day, he ordered that briefings involving sensitive information to be limited to only eight top members of Congress, before changing his mind the following day.

Bush's outrage was stirred by a Washington Post report on a classified briefing. In that story, intelligence officials reportedly told lawmakers there was a "100 percent likelihood of further terrorist strikes." According to some senators, there was much more sensitive information leaked to the Post that they decided not to run.

Then, in summer 2002, the leaders of the Senate and House intelligence panels called in the FBI to investigate after Vice President Dick Cheney complained to them about another leak.

National Security Agency director, Lt. General Michael Hayden, testified to a joint House-Senate panel about highly classified radio intercepts of two messages that hinted at impending action by al Qaeda terrorists shortly before Sept. 11. The messages, originally in Arabic, were not translated until after the attacks occurred. One day after Hayden's appearance before the joint panel, CNN aired a report on his testimony.

The FBI investigation did not result in any arrests.

And in what has to rank as one of the most damaging leaks of all time, press leaks tipped off Osama bin Laden to the NSA's interceptions of his satellite phone conversations. He then switched to more sophisticated phone systems, according to intelligence officials.

So what's the impact of all these leaks? Isn't it just an inside-Washington game of puffery and ego stroking? Will a reference on page A17 of the Post make a difference in the war on terror?

Yes, it will, according to the CIA. On June 14 of last year, the agency circulated a memo to top government officials warning them against leaks that it says have "jeopardized" U.S. intelligence capabilities.

"Information obtained from captured detainees has revealed that al Qaeda operatives are extremely security-conscious and have altered their practices in response to what they have learned from the press about our capabilities," the memo stated. "A growing body of reporting indicates that al Qaeda planners have learned much about our counter-terrorist intelligence capabilities from U.S. and foreign media."

The memo also stated that every public disclosure of classified information erodes trust in U.S. intelligence and "reduce the willingness of potential allies, volunteers and sources in foreign countries to work with us out of fear of having their cooperation publicized in the press."

Today, taxpayers must be reassured to see members of Congress and the media acting so vigilantly about this most recent leak. As the central figure of the controversy, Joe Wilson put it, "At the end of the day, it's of keen interest to me to see whether or not we can get Karl Rove frog-marched out of the White House in handcuffs."

Oddly, previous leakers of classified information like Torricelli, Nuccio, Deutch, and Hatch have not been seen "frog-marching in handcuffs."

nationalreview.com



To: JohnM who wrote (10246)10/2/2003 1:16:00 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793690
 
Talk Radio plus the Internet. That sounds like a very good "grass roots" way for a candidate on the right to go from now on. Get on Talk Radio and promote your Internet site. The use that to organize and fund raise.
____________________________________________________________________________

Radio Free California
The Davis recall is a triumph for the new media.
John Fund's Political Journal
Thursday, October 2, 2003 12:01 a.m.

There were 31 petition drives to recall a California governor before the one directed at Gray Davis. All failed to make the ballot. Ted Costa, the antitax crusader who became the official sponsor of the Davis recall, knew this one would be different when in early February he appeared on Eric Hogue's Sacramento talk show at 5 a.m. to announce he was collecting signatures for a recall. Within minutes a few of his neighbors were pounding on his door wanting to sign up. Within hours more than 300 people had appeared at his office.
California's recall revolution was an unusual confluence of citizen anger at a failed political establishment, a governor who seemed competent only at manipulating the political process for his own selfish ends, and a budget crisis that he helped hide from the voters until after the 2002 election. The whole process was fueled by talk radio and the Internet.

"Without the support of talk show hosts, it might not have happened," says recall strategist Dave Gilliard. "These shows have created activists, people who go out and work." Consultant Sal Russo, who worked for Davis challenger Bill Simon last year, says, "Talk show hosts are the new precinct captains of democracy in California. The Internet piggybacked on talk radio as a vehicle for both fundraising and downloading petition forms so people could just sign it and mail it in." Howard Dean isn't the only one to realize the potential of the Internet in politics.

Everyone has written about the $2 million that Rep. Darryl Issa contributed to the recall effort in May and June. That money was invaluable in ensuring the collection of the necessary 897,000 signatures in time for special election this year. But many observers agree that even without Mr. Issa's dollars, the recall would have qualified for the March 2004 ballot fueled by smaller donations from a larger number of donors and the organizing power of talk radio and the Internet.

"Californians spend more time stuck in their cars listening to conservative talk radio than sitting in easy chairs reading the state's uniformly liberal newspapers," says George Neumayr of The American Spectator. Regular listeners may total only 20% of the general public, but they vote and discuss politics with their friends far more often than most people.

It's hard to trace the origin of the recall effort, though answers may come from books now being written on the recall by journalists Daniel Weintraub, John Gizzi and Steve Greenhut. All three agree that the recall was far more a spontaneous populist uprising than an effort of the "vast right-wing conspiracy."
Pat Caddell, a Democratic pollster who worked for both Gary Hart and Walter Mondale, said he first started talking up the recall after last November's election when he realized that low voter turnout after Gov. Davis's negative campaign had substantially reduced the signature threshold for a recall--12% of the vote cast in the previous gubernatorial election. Mr. Russo said he met with some dissident Democrats in Sacramento on Jan. 24. "They wanted to get rid of Davis for reasons of ethics and ideology," he recalls. "They urged me to help engineer a broad-based recall." The recall leadership ended up not including major Democrats, but polls still show 30% of Democrats will likely vote in favor of the recall next week.

But talk radio didn't wait for the consultants to strategize; it gave the recall a life of its own. The flashpoint appears to have been a Jan. 20 interview with Shawn Steel, the outgoing chairman of the California Republican Party. Mr. Steel appeared on a morning talk show on San Francisco's KSFO hosted by Lee Rodgers and Melanie Morgan. Ms. Morgan pointed out how estimates of the state's budget deficit had nearly tripled since the election and asked him, "What can we do about Davis?" Mr. Steel paused for a moment and said "What about a recall?" The phone lines suddenly lit up, and Mr. Steel and Ms. Morgan had a movement behind them. Mr. Steel and others call Ms. Morgan "the mother of the recall."

Within days two statewide recall drives were launched. One was headed by Mr. Costa's Sacramento-based group, People's Advocate. The other was spearheaded by Howard Kaloogian, a former GOP state legislator from San Diego who had often clashed with Gov. Davis.

Mr. Kaloogian soon got Roger Hedgecock, San Diego's most popular talk-show host, interested. "My listening audience has been energized by this issue like no issue I've ever seen," says Mr. Hedgecock, a former mayor of San Diego. "They saw the recall as a way to focus their frustration and take citizen action. Rather than call this recall democracy run amok, isn't that the essence of what we want voters to do: get involved?" Ms. Morgan and Mr. Hedgecock got so involved that they ended up making radio commercials promoting the recall that ran on their own stations and those of their competitors.

Soon national talk show hosts got into the act, most prominently Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity. Mr. Limbaugh made a splash in August when he told his listeners that Arnold Schwarzenegger "was no Ronald Reagan, and no solid conservative." After Mr. Schwarzenegger came out with a free-market economic program, Mr. Limbaugh softened his critique and noted that the actor seemed to have decided to run a more conservative campaign. Mr. Hannity made news by securing the first interview with Mr. Schwarzenegger in which the candidate announced he opposed gay marriage, supported the medical use of marijuana and opposed statewide school vouchers (though he left the door open to local ones).

Mr. Schwarzenegger seems to have been the first candidate to grasp fully how much the new media have begun to overshadow the old media of newspapers and broadcast TV in California's political process. Phil Bronstein, editor of the San Francisco Chronicle, told MSNBC this week that he thought that the actor had "created some Teflon" for himself with his emphasis on nontraditional media such as talk radio, the Internet and entertainment TV shows. "We in the sort of more traditional media are sitting back. We're going, 'Hey, what about us? We're supposed to be important,' " he said. "So if Arnold Schwarzenegger wins without us, we're going to be looking at our role in the future and exactly what that should be."
So to will officeholders in California and elsewhere. They know their public image and ability to govern is being affected by faster news cycles and the ability of people to find information about their record on their own. As Gov. Davis has found, these forces can create an unforgiving political climate that render political spin useless. Mr. Davis theoretically understood that big changes were coming, but characteristically failed to act on that knowledge. In an op-ed he co-wrote three years ago, he noted that "we live in a remarkable moment when technology is turning the impossible into the commonplace. . . . It is a matter of time before these innovations transform the way we govern ourselves." Little did he know that one of the first political uses of this transforming technology would be facilitating a way to boot him out of office.

opinionjournal.com



To: JohnM who wrote (10246)10/2/2003 6:23:57 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793690
 
I just sent the "LA Times" Managing Editor an Email about the smear of Arnold. My point was, they have had it for over a month, and set on it. To do that and then release it right before the election was a "no-class" thing to do. Mickey Kaus even predicted that they would publish it today. Andrew Sullivan just posted the following.

THE SMEAR MACHINE: The Los Angeles Times, clearly concerned about Arnold Schwarzenegger's lead in the polls, unleashes an astonishing piece of reporting invective against him. This reeks of a politically motivated smear-job. All of these women were sought out by the Times itself. None came forward at the time or subsequently. And although the behavior is, to my mind, gross and offensive, it doesn't rise to the level of legal sexual harrassment; and no legal action has been sought. Moreover, four of the six women are anonymous. So a candidate now has to answer charges about his private life leveled for the most part by anonymous accusers, sought out by a newspaper that is campaigning against his candidacy and that waited a week before the recall to unload the details. The press just keeps getting classier, doesn't it? (Bonus points to Mickey for predicting the Times' anti-Arnold shoe-drop strategy. He was ahead of the curve by one day, 2 hours and 26 minutes. In the blogosphere, that's an eternity. Mazel Tov. He'd get even more points if it weren't so frigging predictable.)
andrewsullivan.com



To: JohnM who wrote (10246)10/2/2003 8:56:57 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793690
 
Will Bush gain with Arnold in? Hell yes! They will have to spend a lot more money to hold the State.
__________________________________________________

GOVERNATOR HAS BUSH CALIFORNIA DREAMIN'
By DEBORAH ORIN - NY POST

October 2, 2003 -- SUDDENLY, it looks as if Arnold Schwarzenegger really will be California's next Governator. That has Republicans sporting giant grins as they ponder how that would change the political landscape and help boost President Bush in the 2004 election.
For starters, it means any Democratic 2004 candidate stumping in California will have to go against the Terminator, who says Bush is doing a great job in Iraq and backed the war. Schwarzenegger was one of the few Hollywood stars to do a Bob Hope and visit U.S. troops.

"It opens the possibility that Bush can win California. I think people want to vote for something. They don't want to vote against something, and the 2004 Democrats all have a negative message," said GOP pollster John McLaughlin, who is part of Arnold's team.

"If California is coming back and the national economy is coming back, it's great for us. That's why Arnold is important - he represents optimism. He represents hope."

A reinvigorated California GOP, united around a charismatic new Gov. Arnold would be far more powerful than a split and squabbling party. It would force Democrats to fight (and spend big bucks) to win California in 2004 because they can't win the White House without it.

That's why every Dem 2004 candidate plus former President Bill Clinton raced out to California to try to rescue super-unpopular Democratic Gov. Gray Davis from recall.

Not so fast, says California-based Democratic strategist Bill Carrick, who insists a Schwarzenegger win could actually be "marginally bad for Bush" because Arnold and the GOP will now get blamed for a California economy "that's bad and probably not going to get better."



Schwarzenegger "is still going to have to work with a Democratic legislature, and they're not going to back a lot of the things he wants, and if he does a lot of controversial stuff, he's going to get recalled himself," Carrick adds.

An Arnold win would also leave Democrats fractured and, some activists say, create a nasty split between Latinos and the Democratic establishment because Latino governor wannabe Cruz Bustamante had trouble raising money from California's usual Democratic donors.

In New York, many Latinos sat on their hands after they decided 2001 Democratic mayoral wannabe Fernando Ferrer got dissed by the Dems. Result: a Republican mayor. California Dems don't want to face that kind of political hangover in 2004. Or the muscleman's clout.

nypost.com