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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Lazarus_Long who wrote (10929)10/6/2003 1:56:59 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793623
 
Also, my understanding is that the identities of all the women making these charges have not been revealed. Do they even exist? Reporters never lie or exaggerate?

Oh, some of the women are not giving their name, and some may be lying. But I believe he did one hell of a lot of this. This was surfaced by the LA Times and they held it until right before the election. Now they are pounding it daily in an attempt to beat him. That is what pisses me off. He did it, but they will elect him anyway. As the old song goes.

"I've had that reputation since I was youth,
I don't know why you think that I would tell you the truth."



To: Lazarus_Long who wrote (10929)10/6/2003 3:39:32 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793623
 
As I have been saying, "deficit state budgets = Democrat's running things." Here is the proof.
_____________________________________

IN THE RED

D Is for Deficit
Guess who's to blame for state budget problems?

BY KEVIN HASSETT WSJ.com
Monday, October 6, 2003 12:01 a.m.

A revolution is brewing in California, sparked by an annual state budget that is a stunning $38 billion out of balance. States like Connecticut, New Jersey, New York and Oregon face similar, though lesser, fiscal crises. What has happened to state budgets in these places? And who is to blame?
Democratic Party officials have tried hard to "nationalize" this problem, and have received assistance in this regard from much of the national media. If you listen to the Democrats' line of argument, today's state fiscal crisis was caused by coldhearted Republicans who choose tax cuts over "adequate" funding of "essential" state programs. Without prospect of federal help (thanks to President Bush's tax cutting parsimony), state taxes must now be increased to support "necessary" services. And if taxes are not increased fast enough, terrible cuts in spending must also be contemplated. This is not only cruel to the "vulnerable" but also puts the entire economy at risk. The negative drag from state spending cuts may hurl us into another recession, the New York Times argued recently.

This may sound plausible enough. But almost nothing about it is true.

The California story is actually quite straightforward. During the 1990s boom years, Gov. Gray Davis found his state revenues surging along with the stock market. He responded by jacking up government spending almost 40%. When the stock market and economy softened, revenues were no longer sufficient to maintain that sharply higher level of spending. The gigantic fiscal crisis that ensued created a media frenzy and a historic vote on recalling the governor.

As for the idea that state spending is being slashed--it's true that legislators in many places are having to tighten their belts--but it is only huge planned increases that are being cut. Even after all of this year's "cuts," state government spending will be 2% higher in the current fiscal year than it was in the previous year. If total spending is still rising, how can Democratic National Committee chairman Terry McAuliffe and the New York Times claim this is going to drag down our economy? Could politics be involved?

Budget Busters
The 10 states with the worst deficits per capita State Deficit per capita 2000 vote
California $985 D
Connecticut $679 D
New Jersey $664 D
New York $626 D
Oregon $615 D
Massachusetts $568 D
Minnesota $542 D
Wisconsin $436 D
Maine $400 D
Delaware $372 D

Source: Sean Gupta, AEI


To help uncover whether today's state budget crisis is more attributable to "irresponsible Republican tax cuts" or "irresponsible Democratic spending," I recently analyzed individual state budgets in light of those states' political complexion. I began by dividing the states into those that voted for President Bush, which I labeled as predominantly Republican, and those that voted for Al Gore, which I designated Democratic.
Separated out that way, the state budget data tell a striking story. Though the total population of Bush and Gore states are almost identical, the states that voted Democratic account for fully 70% of today's state deficits; Republican states ring up only 30% of the total. And of 10 ten states with the largest per capita budget deficits (see nearby table), every single one voted Democratic in the last presidential election. (Alaska, which finances its government from oil revenues rather than taxes on its citizens, was excluded from my analysis.)

What does this suggest? It suggests that Republican economic policies, particularly the taste for tax cuts, cannot fairly be blamed for putting states in economic peril. It suggests that Democratic economic policies, particularly the tendency to increase spending, are the major force behind today's imbalances.

The more one studies the state data, the clearer this becomes. Consider that in the top 10 deficit states (again: all Democratic) tax revenues increased at the dramatic rate of about 5% a year over the last decade. With all that revenue growth, why did those states build up deficits? Because spending was allowed to grow even faster.

In contrast, in the 10 states that are most fiscally sound today, tax revenues grew only 1.5% a year over the previous decade. How could such "anemic" tax flows yield economic health? Through careful spending control.

The differences between the healthy states and the sick states are striking, and they belie all the New York Times-style truisms about what lies behind state fiscal health. Consider that the average tax revenue per person in today's sickest ten states was $2,445 in the last data available--compared to only $1,923 per person in the 10 healthiest states. This blasts out of the water the idea that states get sick because they have been starved of revenue; indeed it shows the opposite.

One could hardly attribute today's state deficit problems to "reckless tax cutting." If anything has been reckless, it is spending. Democratic elected officials in particular seem to have shown too little regard for taxpayers' money. Taxes have increased, but spending has increased more, and citizens are waking up to find themselves heavily burdened and in debt. The result is another taxpayer revolt in California, and perhaps in other staunchly Democratic states. Whatever their rhetoric, the record shows that Democrats are still the party of spending.

Republicans are not invulnerable to a spending backlash, though. During the last national taxpayer revolt in the early 1980s, Ronald Reagan increased defense spending but cut nondefense spending sharply. President Bush, on the other hand, has increased spending on just about everything. Three of the five biggest increases in federal spending in U.S. history occurred during Mr. Bush's first three years in office (the other two took place during World War II). This spending surge can't simply be written off to the war on terror. Spending in the Department of Education, for instance, is 60% higher than it was when Mr. Bush took office. And if the prescription drug plan favored by the president is enacted into law, Republicans will have made Gray Davis look parsimonious by comparison.
If the lesson from the states is that voters grow angry when governments spend far beyond their means, then federal officials should take notice. Politicians who spend with the same enthusiasm as Gray Davis may eventually experience the same treatment at the hands of taxpayers.

Mr. Hassett is director of economic policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute. This article appears in the October/November issue of The American Enterprise magazine.

opinionjournal.com



To: Lazarus_Long who wrote (10929)10/6/2003 6:01:43 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793623
 
"Bubble, Bubble, toil and trouble!" Brownstein says California will remain a real "Witches' Brew."
____________________________________________

RONALD BROWNSTEIN WASHINGTON OUTLOOK

No Matter Who Wins, Californians Can Expect More Turmoil
Ronald Brownstein

October 6, 2003

Costa Mesa

Arnold Schwarzenegger may be the first political candidate who travels with his own special effects. At the end of his six-minute speech to a raucous rally here late last week, he directed the crowd's attention to an old car that his campaign had parked under a crane with a wrecking ball dangling from it.

"In the movies, if I played a character and I didn't like something, you know what I did? I destroyed it," Schwarzenegger said. "I brought some of my Hollywood pals here so I can show you exactly what we are going to do to the car tax." Cue the wrecking ball. A moment after it fell, the car crumpled in a spray of broken glass and twisted metal. The audience roared.

It may have been the perfect symbol for a gubernatorial recall campaign that, in its closing hours, increasingly resembles a car wreck. The proliferating allegations of sexual misconduct against Schwarzenegger, and the controversy over comments he is said to have made decades ago about Adolf Hitler, virtually guarantee that whatever happens Tuesday, the turmoil in California will continue.

If Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante becomes governor or if Gov. Gray Davis retains his seat amid the charges against Schwarzenegger, Republicans are sure to consider their candidate the victim of dirty tricks from Democrats and the media. Imagine the howls of outrage from talk radio — or the resistance from Republicans in the Legislature — that Davis would face if he survives under these circumstances. Every day after a date with the hangman is a good day — but Davis would be at war every moment for the rest of his term.

If Schwarzenegger holds on to win, the hostilities might be even more intense. Even before the allegations of sexual misconduct surfaced, Schwarzenegger was unlikely to win support from a majority of voters; it's always been possible that fewer Californians will vote to make him governor than to keep Davis in office. Under the best of circumstances, that meant Schwarzenegger was likely to start with a precarious base if he won.

And the events of the last week mean that a Gov. Schwarzenegger would be taking office under conditions considerably less than the best of circumstances. More allegations of sexual misconduct appear likely. It's possible that one or more of the women who have complained about his alleged behavior could file a lawsuit, in a California echo of the Paula Jones-Bill Clinton litigation.

And it's conceivable that Democrats could use these late-breaking charges as the justification for launching a drive to recall the newly elected governor. It might be only bluster, but Democratic insiders say at least one deep-pockets donor already has promised to fund a new petition drive if the party is willing to launch it.

Even without such a formal declaration of war, the new charges mean a Gov. Schwarzenegger will face a state intensely polarized about him. Judging by the rallies over the last few days, Schwarzenegger's core supporters consider him the victim of a smear. But weekend polls show other voters harboring increasing doubts about Schwarzenegger. With the lines hardening around him, Schwarzenegger shouldn't expect much of a honeymoon in public opinion if he wins.

The irony is that until these charges emerged, Schwarzenegger's candidacy offered beleaguered California Republicans the chance for a fresh start. As demographic changes have shifted California's political balance toward the left, the GOP has been in a Catch-22: Republican candidates with views on social issues (such as abortion) liberal enough to win a general election usually have been unable to survive a primary process dominated by conservatives.

The recall allowed Schwarzenegger to leap that hurdle by presenting himself directly to the entire electorate. If he wins, he could identify the GOP with an agenda of fiscal conservatism, support for public education and social tolerance much closer to the state's mainstream. "He has the ability to change the image of the California Republican Party," says Duf Sundheim, the state GOP chairman.

In practical terms, a Gov. Schwarzenegger would be a huge asset for the GOP.

If his campaign is any guide, he would likely attract more cameras and notebooks than anyone who has held that office, even Ronald Reagan. He has already shown himself to be a formidable fund-raiser.

And if he rolls up his sleeves for the gritty work of recruiting and helping to fund legislative and statewide candidates who share his priorities, Schwarzenegger could place an unmistakable stamp on the California GOP by promoting more centrist candidates.

Yet the GOP faces the risk that the attitudes toward Schwarzenegger's personal behavior will overshadow his political message and undermine his ability to redefine the party even if he wins Tuesday. Some Republicans have been hoping that Schwarzenegger's moderate views on education and social issues would eventually help the party regain ground it lost over the last decade among women in the state.

But the parade of women accusing Schwarzenegger of misconduct will make it tougher for him to reach that audience. The net effect of these allegations may be to make this most unconventional politician into a more conventional Republican in his political appeal.

Though some polls over the weekend showed slipping support for the recall, the dissatisfaction with Davis may still give the governorship to Schwarzenegger. Yet if Schwarzenegger wins, he will be as bruised and battered as any newly elected office-holder in recent memory.

His final bus tour left little doubt that Schwarzenegger has built an enthusiastic base. But he would also arrive in office facing hostility from almost as many voters as Davis.

The safest prediction may be this: Whoever survives Tuesday, Californians can expect more broken glass and twisted metal ahead.

Ronald Brownstein's column appears every Monday. See current and past Brownstein columns on The Times' Web site at latimes.com .



To: Lazarus_Long who wrote (10929)10/6/2003 7:42:28 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793623
 
Hugh Hewitt is really pissed. He was leading an Orange County crowd in chants against the LA Times this weekend. I don't believe the editor, John Carroll, that they just finished this story. Too many people had the details two weeks ago.
California doesn't trust its major newspaper. Not in the least. Now that's a story worth covering.
________________________________________
"Yes" on Recall, "No" on the L.A. Times
The Los Angeles Times is no longer just part of the story on recall, they're now part of the election.
by Hugh Hewitt

SUDDENLY Tuesday's election is more than a recall. It has also become a referendum on the Los Angeles Times.

In an astonishing story from page A34 of Sunday's Times, Readers Angry at The Times for Schwarzenegger Stories, the paper struggles to report the damage done to its reputation over the past three days while at the same time offering a lengthy apologia from editor John Carroll. Andrew Sullivan has described the Times as a "Smear Machine," columnist and former Times reporter Jill Stewart labeled their recent stories on Schwarzenegger as "hit pieces" and the Times' recent actions as "journalistic malpractice," and Susan Estrich used space on Friday's op-ed page to berate the paper for doing damage to women with legitimate charges of abuse. On my radio program Friday, Morton Kondracke expressed surprise and disapproval of Carroll's decisions in the run-up to Tuesday's campaign (Carroll used to be Kondracke's White House correspondent).

What surprises me is these people's surprise. The Times has been an ally of Gray Davis for five years and an undeclared combatant in the recall wars. That the paper doubled-down with Gray behind and fading is no shock. The transparency of their cheerleading has been evident in their lineup of in-house recall columnists, all four of whom have been outspoken critics of Arnold from the day he announced his campaign. And the paper's news coverage has been as unbalanced as its commentary.

THE PUBLIC has come to grips with the Times as an organ of the Democratic party, an incredible waste of its near-monopoly status in Southern California.

What is different about the paper's naked and increasingly wild coverage of anti-Arnold charges is the reaction among even long-suffering Times watchers. A thousand readers actually cancelled subscriptions after Thursday's report on Arnold (that's the number released by the Times; who knows what the real total is). The outrage and anger of readers can be heard on any talk-radio station. So loud is the din that the Times was obliged to cover it.

Yet the Times has its story, and is sticking to it, even to the extent of retailing on the front page new allegation as they turn up. Davis may be hurt if the paper gives moderates a reason strike back at institutionalized bias on Tuesday, and Arnold might be buoyed if disgusted Republicans switch from McClintock to the Terminator as a way of voting against the Times.

Consider the verdict that will be rendered by a win for recall: Except for the absentees, few if any voters will approach the polls ignorant of the Times' allegations.

It seems likely that a solid majority will reject the Times as untrustworthy. The paper may console itself that the electorate doesn't care about the charges, but that would be more self-delusion.

California doesn't trust its major newspaper. Not in the least. Now that's a story worth covering.

Hugh Hewitt is the host of The Hugh Hewitt Show, a nationally syndicated radio talkshow, and a contributing writer to The Daily Standard. His new book, In, But Not Of, has just been published by Thomas Nelson.


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