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To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/8/2003 11:50:09 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793843
 
Michael Barone explains the California election to a British audience in the Telegraph today. Good summary.
_______________________________________

Schwarzenegger's California dream win holds a warning for Tony Blair
By Michael Barone
(Filed: 09/10/2003)

Have Californians taken leave of their senses? Not at all. The recall of Governor Gray Davis and the election of Arnold Schwarzenegger were rational responses, under a procedure that has been in the California constitution for 92 years, to a political situation that should not be unfamiliar to British readers.

The Democrats are whining that Davis was a victim of a bad economy - he just happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time. But Davis lost because he betrayed the central premises of his candidacy. He was elected in 1998 with 58 per cent of the vote on a platform of competence and centrism. "Experience money can't buy" was his slogan: he had been at the top levels of state government since 1975, when he was chief of staff to Governor Jerry Brown.

He made sure to avoid Brown's mistakes, such as opposing capital punishment and undercutting voters' decisions on referenda. Echoing Tony Blair in 1997, he insisted that all Democratic legislators and appointees were there to carry out his vision. He vetoed many Bills passed by the Left-wing Democratic legislature.

But his handling of the electricity issue undermined his reputation for competence. In 2000, he refused the utilities' pleas to buy electricity on long-term contracts because it would have meant a small electricity rate increase. But in 2001, prices on the spot market spiked, the utilities went bankrupt and rates had to be increased much more. And the huge budget deficits that became apparent in 2002 were the result of his going along with the legislature when it spent most of the huge gushes of capital gains revenue from the internet bubble of 1999 and 2000.

That undermined his reputation for both competence and centrism. When it became apparent there would be a recall election, Davis tried to solidify his base by moving to the Left. He tripled the car tax, infuriating working-class Democrats. And he signed a Bill he had twice vetoed, granting driver's licences to illegal aliens.

The 55 to 45 per cent vote to recall Davis in a state that voted 53 to 42 per cent for Al Gore over George W Bush was a repudiation of Left-wing Democratic governance. It shows what can happen when a leader elected for competence shows incompetence and when a leader elected as a centrist veers to the Left. There is probably a lesson there for Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.

There may be a lesson for Conservatives as well. Arnold Schwarzenegger is hardly a typical California Republican. He supports abortion rights, civil unions for gays and gun control. He speaks with the earthiness of contemporary movies: when you get up in the morning and flush the toilet, he said, you pay a tax. Where he makes common cause with more conservative Republicans is on taxes: he more or less pledged no tax increase.

But the main reason for his victory was that he is an outsider challenging a political system in which insiders have operated without effective supervision. Democrats have big majorities in California because of favourable redistricting and because most voters favour their liberal positions on abortions and guns. And the news media provide little coverage of state politics and government: none of the Los Angeles or San Francisco television stations has a bureau in Sacramento, the state capital where Schwarzenegger will reign from.

The news director of one LA station once told me: "I suppose if anything happens up there, we could send up a crew for the day." Viewers were thought to be more interested in car chases and crime scenes.

But the electricity crisis and the budget deficits put state government and Davis's "pay to play" - i.e. you have to contribute to get the policy you want - in the spotlight. Arnold Schwarzenegger, followed by camera crews and helicopters from around the state and the world, kept it there. It was also kept there by Lieutenant-Governor Cruz Bustamante, Schwarzenegger's only Democratic rival on the replacement ballot, who accepted a $2 million contribution from Indian gambling casinos that a judge ruled illegal.

As governor, Schwarzenegger is likely to keep the spotlight on. Television stations will rush to open Sacramento bureaux and newspapers such as the Los Angeles Times, whose news and opinion pages conducted a steady campaign against the recall and Schwarzenegger, will be forced to cover him.

Schwarzenegger plans to use his celebrity to get Democratic as well as Republican legislators to go along with his budget and other programmes - reforming working men's compensation, renegotiating state union contracts, eliminating spending mandates.

The unspoken threat is that the Terminator can terminate legislators' careers and take issues to the people by sponsoring ballot proposals. The Democrats are muttering now about circulating a recall petition against Schwarzenegger after he has been in office 100 days. But voters are unlikely to respond favourably to petitions to recall a governor who, unlike Davis, is working to put into place the platform he ran and won on.

Here the analogy with Britain breaks down. The Tories are not going to have a leader with the celebrity of Arnold Schwarzenegger or David Beckham. Iain Duncan Smith can probably walk down most high streets without being recognised. But the revelations during the Hutton Inquiry of the inner workings of Number 10 have not been entirely flattering to the Government.

As an American with boundless admiration for Tony Blair's steadfast leadership in the war against terrorism, I have been dismayed to read polls showing low levels of trust in his actions on Iraq. I feel bound to warn him and his supporters that the election results from California show how voters can turn on a leader who relies on inside machinations and ceaseless spin.

Tony Blair is not in the same shape in Britain that Gray Davis is in California. But the recall and the Schwarzenegger victory show how the centre-Left New Democrat/New Labour appeal, so strong when times are propitious, can be rendered pitifully weak when the bond of trust between the leader and the voters is snapped and when the spotlight is turned on the unattractive inner workings of government.

Michael Barone is senior writer, US News & World Report, and co-author of The Almanac of American Politics<?xm-replace_text {li}?>
Information appearing on telegraph.co.uk is the copyright of Telegraph Group Limited and must not be reproduced in any medium without licence. For the full copyright statement see Copyright
telegraph.co.uk



To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/9/2003 1:18:04 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793843
 
Looks like DeLay can start "picking out the furniture" for the new Texas Republicans he will be seating after the next election. :>)
_____________________________
Redistricting Deal in Tex. Is Reached
GOP Lawmakers Settle Their Dispute

Associated Press
Thursday, October 9, 2003; Page A14

AUSTIN, Oct. 8 -- Texas House and Senate negotiators reached an agreement in principle Wednesday to redraw the state's congressional boundaries, settling a dispute among Republican lawmakers, Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst (R) said.

After days of closed-door meetings, legislators reached a deal after U.S. House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R) met with state officials in the state Capitol for three days this week. The final sticking point was over how to draw the districts in West Texas.

"It is my hope that we can have a final map that we can show you tomorrow morning," Dewhurst said.

Some details still need to be ironed out, but the agreement reached by the conference committee covers the entire map, a Dewhurst aide said.

The agreement still must be approved by a majority of the House and the Senate. The chambers are to convene again on Friday.

Gov. Rick Perry (R) is expected to sign the redistricting legislation.

Democrats, who control the state's U.S. House delegation 17 to 15, want to keep the current district boundaries. They boycotted the Texas Legislature twice this year to block a quorum and kill the redistricting bills.

House Democrats fled to Ardmore, Okla., in May, for four days to block the measure in the regular legislative session.

Senate Democrats went to Albuquerque, N.M., for six weeks beginning in late July to shut down the redistricting process during a second special legislative session.
washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/9/2003 1:27:25 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 793843
 
When this California recall started I posted that the media would go after Arnold on his personal life, and that it would be a big deal. What saved him?

They apparently saw Schwarzenegger as a towel snapper from countless gyms, who, as a movie star, never had to grow up.

washingtonpost.com

Arnold is a bully. A good trait to have in a California Governor right now. So I Got that one out of the ballpark. I also said that the car tax was going to crush Davis. Read this quote from Will's column today. BTW, George is really turning into a "Grumpy old man."

(Arnold would)......repeal the car tax that Davis and the legislature recently tripled.

A Washington-based Democrat who was making election eve get-out-the-vote calls to African American households in South Los Angeles knew Gray Davis would be recalled when voter after voter told her, emphatically and specifically, the precise dollar amount that the tax increase was costing him or her.


Ahhh, it's good to be right. :>)
_______________________________________


A Conservative Travesty

By George F. Will

Thursday, October 9, 2003; Page A37

California's recall -- a riot of millionaires masquerading as a "revolt of the people" -- began with a rich conservative Republican congressman, who could think of no other way he might become governor, financing the gathering of the necessary signatures. Now this exercise in "direct democracy" -- precisely what America's Founders devised institutions to prevent -- has ended with voters full of self-pity and indignation removing an obviously incompetent governor. They have removed him from the office to which they reelected him after he had made his incompetence obvious by making most of the decisions that brought the voters to a boil.

The odor of what some so-called conservatives were indispensable to producing will eventually arouse them from their swoons over Arnold Schwarzenegger. Then they can inventory the damage they have done by seizing an office that just 11 months ago they proved incapable of winning in a proper election under ideal conditions.

These Schwarzenegger conservatives -- now, there is an oxymoron for these times -- have embraced a man who is, politically, Hollywood's culture leavened by a few paragraphs of Milton Friedman. They have given spurious plausibility to a meretricious accusation that Democrats are using to poison American politics, the charge that Florida 2000 was part of a pattern of Republican power grabs outside the regular election process.

Schwarzenegger's conservative supporters have furled the flag of "family values" while mocking their participation in the anti-Clinton sex posse. They were unoffended by Schwarzenegger's flippant assertions that only the "religiously fanatic" oppose human cloning -- not just stem cell research but cloning. These faux conservatives' new hero said that only "right-wing crazies" supported the proposal on Tuesday's ballot to bar the state from collecting the racial data that fuel the racial spoils system.

Some conservatives insist that they have been not empty-headed but hardheaded: They say a Republican governor will markedly strengthen the Bush campaign in California. Perhaps. But Republican governors did not prevent Bush from losing Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania in 2000.

During the coming presidential campaign, California's Republican governor will be busy proving the fatuity of his proposal to solve California's budget crisis by cutting waste, fraud and abuse -- things for which there is no constituency. In 2004 President Bush will not campaign in a California seething with resentment of spending cuts and attempted tax increases advocated by a hugely unpopular Democratic governor. Instead, Bush will campaign in a California in which the Republican governor will be illustrating the axiom that today only a Republican governor can substantially raise taxes.

This is so because the people, in their zeal for majority rule, have mandated, through the initiative process, a two-thirds supermajority requirement for raising taxes. Which means the Republicans' legislative minority is large enough to block a Democratic governor's request for tax increases but probably is not starchy enough to resist a Republican governor's request for -- Republicans believe in recycling, at least of squeamish rhetoric -- "revenue enhancements."

Then again, some Republicans might resist, because their principles need not threaten what is really important -- reelection. Almost all legislators of both parties represent safe seats because the political class has put an end to much of California's politics by using redistricting to protect all incumbents. This is one reason why politics has reemerged through the recall process, which allows the people to vent against their chosen representatives.

The put-upon people of California, groaning under the weight of decisions taken by California's electorate, have repeatedly taken lawmaking into their own hands through initiatives that mandate this and that allocation of resources. So an estimated -- no one seems able to say for sure, which says much about the consequences of California populism -- 60 percent to 80 percent of the budget is beyond the control of the governor and Legislature.

One of the new governor's two noteworthy campaign promises is that he will not cut education, which -- thanks to what the public did in a 1988 initiative -- is roughly 50 percent of state spending. His other venture into specificity during the campaign -- a campaign in which he said, brassily and correctly, that "the public doesn't care about figures" -- was his promise to promptly increase by 50 percent a deficit already at $8 billion by repealing the car tax that Davis and the legislature recently tripled.

A Washington-based Democrat who was making election eve get-out-the-vote calls to African American households in South Los Angeles knew Gray Davis would be recalled when voter after voter told her, emphatically and specifically, the precise dollar amount that the tax increase was costing him or her. The new governor should repeal it because it is unjust. And because the people deserve to get what they demand. Don't they?
washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/9/2003 3:00:23 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793843
 
"Children are the living messages we send to a time we will not see.”

The Disappearance of Childhood - Neil Postman (1931-2003) - requiescat in pace



To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/9/2003 5:25:28 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793843
 
A seminal new work on ethnic education, by Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom, No Excuses:Closing the Racial Gap in Learning, is out and being reviewed. Stephan is at Harvard, Abigail is at the Manhattan Institute. Here are two columns on it. The first by Raspberry, the second by Sowell.
___________________________

washingtonpost.com
A Gap That Won't Go Away on Its Own

By William Raspberry

Monday, October 6, 2003; Page A23

Perhaps the most powerful lesson we learned from the civil rights movement is that America responds to righteous demand. Because it does, we have voting rights, desegregated schools and housing and access both to places of public accommodation and to an incredible array of once-foreclosed opportunities. Demand still works. It can get rotting trees removed, streets paved and lights or stop signs placed at dangerous intersections.

Here is what we haven't learned: Education is different. You might wake up one morning to find the graders and cement trucks on the street outside, brought there by righteous protest. But your children will not wake up one morning and find a truckload of education at the curb. Education cannot be just delivered -- it has to be actively sought and received. And that fact may account as much as any other single factor for the academic achievement gap between blacks and whites in America.

Two very different books make that point with compelling clarity. Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom ("No Excuses: Closing the Racial Gap in Learning") begin by describing the breadth of the gap. "By twelfth grade, on average, black students are four years behind those who are white or Asian. Hispanics don't do much better." Now, that's a huge gap. It doesn't mean that all black and Hispanic youngsters are failing, but it assuredly does mean that we are handing out a lot of high school diplomas to children capable of performing only at an eighth-grade level in reading, math, history and geography.

What's wrong? It isn't a matter of IQ, the Thernstroms make clear right away. They painstakingly plow through the reasons -- poor funding, underprepared teachers, feelings of being an outsider, racial isolation -- and they acknowledge that all of them probably have some impact on educational outcomes. But they also point to a wide variety of schools, public and private, whose low-income, inner-city students are achieving well above the national average. Their point: It can be done.

The Thernstroms (she is at the Manhattan Institute and the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights; he is at Harvard) are mainly concerned about poor black children. John Ogbu, who died in August, focused on a problem that in many ways is more puzzling: the consistent underachievement of black children in affluent suburbs.

His specific focus was Shaker Heights, Ohio, where black parents asked him to find out why their middle-class children were lagging behind their white counterparts.

Shaker's black children, he found out right away, outstrip black children everywhere else in the state -- and in much of the nation. Indeed, many of their families moved to Shaker Heights specifically for its schools. They wanted their children to have an excellent education. But the gap between them and their white schoolmates is significant -- and dismaying. White kids predominate in advanced placement and honors courses. Black children, who gravitate to the easier "general education" and "college prep" courses, nonetheless racked up 80 percent of the D's and F's.

Like the Thernstroms, Ogbu and his researchers ran through the usual suspects: low teacher expectations, prejudiced personnel, the distractions of race. Like the Thernstroms, he thought many of them had some effect on achievement.

But he found something else that must have surprised him. The black students were quite open in telling the researchers that, in general, their white classmates studied more, worked harder and cared more about getting good grades.

"In spite of the fact that the students knew and asserted that one had to work hard to succeed in Shaker schools, black students did not generally work hard. In fact, most appeared to be characterized by the low-effort syndrome. . . . [They] were not highly engaged in their schoolwork and homework." And their parents and communities, wittingly or not, support them in this nonengagement.

There is plenty of literature on why black youngsters put forth less academic effort -- some of it linked to peer pressure and a great deal of the rest attributed to the alienating effects of racism, white cultural domination or "Eurocentrism." Most of it, I suspect, contains at least a grain of truth.

But what we need is not so much explanation as change. We can wait for white America to change its attitude toward blacks. Or we can change the way we respond to what we believe that attitude to be. Given the fact that white America is doing okay the way things are, the choice seems obvious.
washingtonpost.com

_______________________________

School performances
Thomas Sowell
September 24, 2003

Everyone knows that black students in general do not perform as well in school as white students, much less Asian American students. But few realize how painfully large the gap is. Even fewer know that there are particular black schools, even in low-income neighborhoods, where students perform above the national average.

Discussing racial gaps in education is taboo in some quarters. But this subject is discussed deeply and thoroughly in a new book titled "No Excuses: Closing the Racial Gap in Learning" by Abigail Thernstrom of the Manhattan Institute and Stephan Thernstrom of Harvard. They are also the authors of the best book on race relations -- "America in Black and White" -- so there are high expectations for this new book.

"No Excuses" lives up to those expectations. If you read just one book about American education all year, this should be the book. It not only goes into the causes and cures of racial disparities in education, in the process it punctures many of the fads, dogmas, and pious hypocrisies of the education establishment.

First, the existing gap: Black high school students graduate an average of four years behind white students in academic skills. In other words, the high school diplomas they receive are given -- not earned -- for a junior high school education.

The excuses for this range across the spectrum from poverty to racism and even innate lack of ability. Yet none of these excuses stands up to the facts.

As the Thernstroms show, there are some schools where the students are equally poor and equally black, where test scores are outstanding. Moreover, such schools seldom get any more money than the schools that are failing.

Some of the most heavily financed schools are doing miserably. Even spending $17,000 per pupil, Cambridge, Massachusetts was still left with a huge gap between the test scores of its black and white students. In fact, black students in Cambridge scored lower than other black students in nearby communities with less than half as much spending per pupil.

Those who believe that money is the answer are not going to be stopped by anything so mundane as facts. To many in politics and in the media -- and to everyone in the teachers unions -- "improving" the schools means spending more money on them. But what is called "investing" in better education could more accurately be called pouring money down a bottomless pit.

Don't suburban schools with high levels of spending do better than other schools with lower levels of spending? Usually, yes. But Olympic-sized swimming pools and tennis courts do not make you any smarter. Nor do generous-sized parking lots for affluent students with fancy cars.

"No Excuses" does not limit its comparisons to blacks and whites. In some cases, the educational performances of Asian American students exceeds that of whites by more than the performances of whites exceed that of blacks.

There is nothing mysterious about any of these differences. Asian students put more time into study and homework and watch less television. They behave themselves in class. Their parents don't tolerate low grades -- or even medium grades.

In those rare black schools where the students follow a pattern similar to that of Asian Americans, they get educational results similar to those of Asian Americans.

What about the role of the schools in all this?

American schools waste an incredible amount of time on fads, fun and propaganda for political correctness. Those students who come from homes with highly educated parents, or parents whose values stress education, get a lot of what they need outside of school, as well as making the most of what they get within the school.

It is those children who do not come from these kinds of homes whose futures are forfeited when class time is frittered away. Low-income black students are the biggest losers when educators fail to educate and when courts create so many legal obstacles to enforcing school discipline that a handful of classroom clowns or hoodlums can prevent everyone else from getting a decent education.

More money won't cure any of this.
townhall.com



To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/9/2003 6:29:01 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793843
 
Another review of No Excuses. "Money Quote." The biggest obstacle of all may be our collective unwillingness to acknowledge the racial gap in the first place.
_________________________________________


BOOKSHELF

A Lot More to Learn
Make "No Excuses" for schools that fail black Americans.

BY CLINT BOLICK - WSJ.com
Thursday, October 9, 2003 12:01 a.m.

"We expect," wrote Justice Sandra Day O'Connor in the recent University of Michigan affirmative-action case, "that 25 years from now the use of racial preferences will no longer be necessary."
If only. By upholding such preferences in public-university admissions, the Supreme Court put off the day of reckoning. In the meantime, preferences will continue to leap-frog minority candidates into elite colleges and create the illusion that we are closing racial disparities in education when in fact we are not.

The message of Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom's "No Excuses" is that, despite major progress toward racial equality since the 1950s, there is an academic chasm between black and Hispanic children on the one hand and whites and Asians on the other. "The racial gap in educational achievement is an educational crisis, but it is also the main source of ongoing racial inequality," the authors declare. "And racial inequality is America's great unfinished business, the wound that remains unhealed."

"No Excuses" is a follow-up to the Thernstroms' "America in Black and White" (1999), which cataloged the remarkable gains made by American minorities in the past several decades. That book also lamented various persistent problems, most notably in educational achievement. Both books disdain ideological polemics in favor of clear-eyed analysis, buttressing argument with statistics and case studies although never at the expense of interest and prose style.
The education gap cannot be overstated. The average black high-school student graduates at a level of proficiency four academic years below the average white graduate, a gap that has widened over the past 15 years. In five of seven subjects tested by the National Assessment of Educational Progress, a majority of black students scored "below basic," a category reserved for students unable to display even a "partial mastery of prerequisite knowledge and skills that are fundamental for proficient work" in their grade. Other standardized tests have shown a comparable difference in scores.

And the problem doesn't end there. While blacks and Hispanics now attend college at nearly the same rate as whites, only about one in six graduate, and of course income in later life is likely to rise with a college degree. The seeds of failure are planted early, the Thernstroms note. Any real effort to achieve racial equality at the college level must redress grievous deficiencies in our K-12 system.

The Thernstroms painstakingly review possible reasons for this academic gap--from racial isolation to inadequate spending and disparities in teacher quality--and conclude that no one reason explains it. As for current reforms, even such popular measures as reduced class size and Head Start have had little effect.

Fortunately, there are other reform ideas. Among public schools serving low-income minority students, the Thernstroms find several--all of them lightly regulated charter schools--that do a remarkably good job. They are characterized by a strong sense of mission, disciplinary standards, high expectations and dedicated teachers. In Texas and North Carolina, too, rigorous testing and accountability standards have narrowed the academic gap slightly. And some school-choice programs have allowed low-income children to attend private schools at public expense. As other scholars have shown, school choice can narrow the racial academic gap while prodding surrounding public schools to improve. Accordingly, the Thernstroms urge that "the nation's system of education must be fundamentally altered, with real educational choice as part of the package."
But there are obstacles: burdensome teacher-certification programs, rules that hamper school principals, weak-kneed politicians and powerful teacher unions wedded to the status quo. The biggest obstacle of all may be our collective unwillingness to acknowledge the racial gap in the first place. Right now it is treated by civil-rights leaders, the media and even scholars as "a dirty secret." The Thernstroms mean to bring that secret out in the open.

And thank goodness for that. The racial academic gap is, as they write, "the most important civil rights issue of our time." We can only hope that their analysis, coming on the eve of the 50th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education, will help lead the way toward what that court decision aimed to bring about, equal opportunity for every American child.

Mr. Bolick is vice president of the Institute for Justice and author of "Voucher Wars: Waging the Legal Battle Over School Choice" (Cato, 2003). The Thernstroms' book is available from the OpinionJournal bookstore.
opinionjournal.com



To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/9/2003 7:59:54 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793843
 
The Republicans on the Hill keep getting smarter. The Dems have been using well funded advocacy groups to fight the Judical Nominations. Time for the Republicans to do the same. "The Hill"
____________________________________

K Street enters fray over bench
At urging of GOP, business sets aside reluctance to fight
By Alexander Bolton

Business groups are getting involved in the partisan dispute over the judiciary.

After months during which the Senate Republican leadership has urged more active support from corporate America on the issue, business has overcome its concern about being involved in the controversial issue of confirming President Bush’s nominees.

The groups remain cautiousbut are anonymously giving tens of thousands of dollars to groups fighting to approve Bush’s choices and wielding their financial muscle in state judicial battles, away from the Beltway’s media spotlight.

In the past, corporate leaders have viewed the battle over judges as a fight more over social rather than business policy.

But pressure by GOP leaders on the Hill and the spiraling costs of class action lawsuits and other civil litigation has persuaded key players in the business community that they have a big stake in the battle over the bench, which has periodically paralyzed the Senate throughout this year.

“Every time I talk to any kind of K Street group, I talk about judges and the importance of getting them involved in the judge issue,” said Senate GOP Conference Chairman Rick Santorum (R-Pa.). “I think it’s one of the most fundamental issues we have.”

Santorum highlighted the importance of the judiciary’s makeup to business interests and the economy in January at a breakfast sponsored by The Hill. Since then he and his colleagues have slowly persuaded the business community, which is notoriously controversy-averse, to recognize its stake in the issue.

In the most visible development, officials at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce are looking at 40 state supreme court races across the country where it may underwrite and counsel to groups that support candidates who are viewed as fair to business.

“I would say the Chamber’s efforts have really been welcome, and to me that’s major progress,” said Santorum. “And I think as a result of the Chamber’s effort and [business leaders] hearing from people on the Hill of the importance [of judges] that should hopefully motivate some people in the right direction.”

A good number of companies have responded to Senate Republican urgings to get involved by giving money to the Committee for Justice, a group dedicated to promoting and defending Bush’s judicial nominees, said executive director Sean Rushton.

“It’s becoming a cause that is better understood outside of the conservative activist base – and that includes K Street,” Rushton said

He declined to identify anyone. The Committee for Justice does not have to disclose its donors because the group is classified as a non-profit group under section 501(c)(4) of the tax code.

Dave Warner, spokesman for the Chamber’s Institute for Legal Reform, said: “We work with third party groups and they may identify certain races where there’s a clear difference between one candidate or another on legal reform issues.”

“It’s important to have good state judges because that is the pool of judges that become federal judges,” he added. “We would like for that pool to be judges who enforce the rule of law with integrity and impartiality.”

The Chamber worked to influence 18 state judicial races in 2002 and 15 such races in 2000.

Many executives say a large number of judges in places such as California, southern Illinois and West Virginia are overly sympathetic to trial lawyers.

The Business Industry Political Action Committee (BIPAC), one the biggest business trade associations in the country, is working with the Chamber’s Institute for Legal Reform to develop a grassroots program to make voters more aware of judiciary branch issues.

“We make our tools available to allow business to effect changes, and changes in the judiciary are happening on the local level,” said Greg Casey, the president of BIPAC.

One of BIPAC’s most effective tools is the Prosperity Project, which it operates with other prominent business associations to help businesses mobilize their employees on legislative and political issues.

The project instructs roughly 170 companies — including more than 50 Fortune 500 firms — how to customize websites and distribute voting records, voting guides, and registration forms to educate their employees on issues. Last year in Ohio, businesses used Prosperity Project tools to help win two key state supreme court races.

“We want what they [the Institute for Legal Reform] have to develop through all our networks throughout the country,” said Casey. “If you look at our reach through the various contracts we have we’re able to reach 20 million employees.”

The Institute for Legal Reform has yet to assume a big role in the Senate fight over judges, other than advocating for a vote on Charles Pickering Sr., nominated by Bush last year to serve on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. But an alliance with BIPAC would give them an effective platform to do so.

However, business remain quite cautious about getting publicly involved in high-profile judiciary battles such as the recent fights over Miguel Estrada, who was nominated to the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, before withdrawing his name, and 5th Circuit nominee Priscilla Owens.

“Many businesses are concerned about being perceived as being involved in social issues,” said a GOP aide. “Gradually they’re getting to the point where they realize they have interests they need to defend that don’t have anything to do with abortion.”

Business leaders looking down the road calculate that they will likely have to do more to increase their influence on the nomination and approval of federal judges, especially if Congress passes the Class Action Fairness Act or other tort reform that would move class action suits out of state court and into federal courts.

“Then we would have to create a whole new set of points of influence,” said a consultant to a business trade association.

But conservative activists wish that the business would move more quickly to make its voice heard on judiciary issues.

“The moneyed interests of the left are very much engaged in this battle, and the moneyed interests on the right are not,” said Richard Lessner, the executive director of the American Conservative Union. “They have to remember [U.S. District Court Judge] Thomas Penfield Jackson in the Microsoft case to remind them that who sits on the bench is of considerable interest to the business community.”
President Reagan named Jackson to the bench.

Lessner said he regularly attends meetings of coalition groups working on confirming the president’s judicial nominees.

thehill.com



To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/9/2003 8:02:59 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793843
 
Good news for the Dems
___________________

J.C. Watts will not seek Nickles' seat

WASHINGTON, Oct. 7 (UPI) -- Former Rep. J.C. Watts said Tuesday that he would not be a candidate for the seat of retiring Sen. Don Nickles, R-Okla.

In a statement praising Nickles for his service, Watts explained he had "already received many phone calls and other messages urging me to stand for election" but he had decided against it.

"When I chose to step down from my congressional duties in 2002, I embarked on an exciting new journey in my life. This journey has me in a direction that neither my family nor I am prepared to change at this time," Watts said.

For some time the only black Republican member of Congress, Watts spent two terms as chairman of the House Republican Conference, the No. 4 post in the GOP leadership.

"I'm confident the Republican Party will field a strong candidate in the tradition of Senator Nickles, and it is my intention to do all I can help to elect that person to the U.S. Senate," Watts said.

washingtontimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/9/2003 10:32:24 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793843
 
I read that Hollywood has a new Movie coming out on Luther. Rates as mildly interesting and deadly dull. From reading the reviews, they seemed to have missed that he was a raving Anti-Semite who could be held responsible for a lot of Hitler's success.

It's the same with most of them. The Protestant Churches used to denounce Voltaire from their Pulpits. But while Voltaire was preaching enlightenment in Paris, Calvin was burning Heretics at the stake in Geneva.

lindybill@grumpyoldman.com



To: JohnM who wrote (11415)10/9/2003 11:40:16 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793843
 
Deggans see's the same point I do. Before this election, all the Republican candidates in California went hat in hand to the Editorial staffs of the major papers, and submitted to their interrogations. Arnold realized that they were not going to support him, and they would just use the interviews for "gotja" stories on him.
__________________________________

News media lost the most in Calif. race
By ERIC DEGGANS, Times TV/Media Critic
Published October 9, 2003
The biggest loser in California's recall election may not be ousted Gov. Gray Davis.

It may be the traditional news media.

Newly elected Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger often didn't rely on such outlets to reach voters like traditional politicians.

Instead, the star of three Terminator films turned to Tonight show host Jay Leno, talk show queen Oprah Winfrey, shock radio jock Howard Stern and entertainment news shows such as Access Hollywood and Entertainment Tonight to spread his message.

He used his personal fame to take his message directly to the public.

"Things were very controlled . . . he preferred to use unconventional outlets . . . you might call them softer, less challenging outlets," said Jeff Greenfield, a senior analyst for CNN and contributor to the news channel's show Inside Politics.

"The very "outsider-ness' of the guy helped insulate him from the notion that there was something wrong with this," Greenfield said.

"The traditional way of doing things had become so discredited . . . the unconventionality of Schwarzenegger made it okay," he added.

Schwarzenegger's strategy came full circle Tuesday night, when comic Jay Leno introduced his victory speech - "Tonight is a testament to just how important an appearance on The Tonight Show can be," Leno cracked - two months after the Austrian-born actor had announced his candidacy on the NBC program. On the cable news channels, actors Ron Silver, Tom Arnold and Rob Lowe provided analysis alongside journalists and politicians.

Journalists groused for weeks about a lack of access to Schwarzenegger, and the candidate did eventually face NBC anchor Tom Brokaw, ABC anchor Peter Jennings and MSNBC anchor Chris Matthews in the campaign's final days. But he already had given exclusive interviews to Entertainment Tonight and Inside Edition on a bus tour filled with tightly scripted events.

"Those shows allowed us to reach an audience that's outside the Meet the Press crowd," said Schwarzenegger spokesman Todd Harris, a former campaign spokesman for Florida Gov. Jeb Bush. "To be sure, a lot of reporters cried bloody murder, because we were able to go so easily around them."

Combined with the jokes of late-night comedians and movies shown on cable channels, Schwarzenegger seemed to be everywhere in the days leading to the recall election, while minimizing chances of an embarrassing public gaffe.

"It was striking to be here in Los Angeles and watch for the first time in a long time the local TV newscasts devoting 10, 15, 20 minutes to politics . . . but the coverage of Schwarzenegger was limited by and large to the same shots with flags and balloons and cheering crowds," said Adam Clayton Powell III, a visiting professor of journalism at the University of Southern California's Annenberg School of Communication.

Mark Barabak, a political writer for the Los Angeles Times, said Schwarzenegger's fame left viewers feeling they knew the candidate and had little need to see him vetted in the media.

"This was an election about change . . . and people assumed the character they know from the movies is the actual guy," he said. "People didn't want or think they needed a lot of detail."

Tom Rosenstiel, director of the Project for Excellence in Journalism, noted how news reporters covering a big election scrutinize candidates' positions.

But because Schwarzenegger limited his access to reporters and appeared at only one debate, in which the questions were provided to participants in advance, the scrubbing process came late with just two big stories: the Los Angeles Times report on allegations of sexual harassment and the New York Times report on possible comments admiring Nazi leader Adolf Hitler.

"The press, I thought, was more compliant to a candidate to pull this stuff than I have ever seen," said Rosenstiel, citing the short campaign as another factor. "Here was a candidate with no record and virtually no detailed policy positions . . . (and) in the face of reportage that he is a Hitler-admiring sexual criminal, he still feels a brief soundbite is largely sufficient."

Given Schwarzenegger's success, experts expect such tactics to increase. But CNN's Greenfield saw a bright spot, hoping a movie star in the governor's office in California might spur better coverage of the state's politics by a local media known for neglecting such issues.

"In a perverse way," he said, "the entry of this world-famous figure, even residually, may get people interested in politics."
stpetersburgtimes.com