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To: JohnM who wrote (11584)10/10/2003 12:21:46 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793956
 
Surprise, surprise! A fairly positive article on Iraq out of the "Times". Things must be really looking up!
__________________________________

October 10, 2003
NEWS ANALYSIS
Iraq Math: Visible Gains Minus Losses
By IAN FISHER

NewsAnalysis

BAGHDAD, Iraq, Oct. 9 — It was a symbol of Iraq, six months to the day after United States marines ripped down the statue of Saddam Hussein and America set out on its experiment to rebuild a democratic Iraq in the land it had just conquered.

Early Thursday morning, about 50 new Iraqi police officers in sharp blue uniforms stood waiting for their American-paid salaries before going out on patrol. The sight of Iraqis policing their own streets is perhaps the most visible of American successes here.

But then came crashing through the front gate the chaos that America has not been able to control: a suicide bomber who detonated an Oldsmobile — by chance, an American classic — in the crowd of policemen. At least nine people were killed, including the bomber.

This was not the best day to trumpet America's accomplishments in these first six months. But the job fell nonetheless to L. Paul Bremer III, the American civilian administrator here, and he argued that whatever the problems, the changes in Iraq have been positive.

"There will be bumps on the road," Mr. Bremer told reporters on Thursday. "There will be bad days like today. But I think it's important, as those of you who are here regularly covering the story, to put that in perspective, because it's a lot better than it was."

Still, the events of today underscored the limits of the huge American effort here, illustrating how the steady beat of violence and uncertainty overshadows many of the very real American advances here.

That mixed record is reflected in the view of many Iraqis. They believe that the United States has, in fact, made Iraq better than under Mr. Hussein but that American promises, so far, have been greater than what has been delivered.

"I know they came to help me," Dr. Ghasan Azawi, 61, said of the Americans. "But they should show their help more."

A surgeon, he was fired from the army by Mr. Hussein. Since Mr. Hussein's overthrow, his car has been stolen and he has taken two bullets from the thieves.

In his news conference, Mr. Bremer listed what he called America's achievements (although many of his comparisons were from immediately after the war, when services were far worse than before it began): 40,000 police officers on the streets; 13,000 new reconstruction projects; more electricity generated now than before the war; 1,500 schools renovated; 22 million vaccinations; 4,900 Internet connections — not to mention freedom of speech, virtually nonexistent under Mr. Hussein, and an end to torture, which was commonplace.

"I am optimistic," Mr. Bremer said. "We have made an enormous amount of progress here in six months, more than I think anybody could have safely predicted, in many places beyond what our plan was."

The changes are visible. The streets are cleaner. Shops are flooded with goods pouring into Iraq now that the borders are open again. Those who have jobs — and tens of thousands are working for the Americans, directly or indirectly — are largely paid better than they were.

But as the attack on Thursday again showed, there is another list of statistics: 92 American soldiers killed in combat since President Bush declared major hostilities over in May; nearly 100 dead at a suicide bombing at a Shiite shrine in Najaf; 22 dead at a bombing at the United Nations headquarters here; at least 17 dead in a bombing at the Jordanian Embassy.

The fear of this violence is visible as well: American officials and the contractors they hired to rebuild Iraq live and work behind huge concrete walls.

Many aid workers have been sent home. Anyone working directly for the Americans or those, like the police, who are merely making a living under a new system, are targets. Last month, a member of the Iraqi Governing Council, Akila al-Hashemi, was assassinated, apparently for siding with America's effort here.

Mr. Bremer sought, to some degree, to play down the significance of the violence. Ninety percent of the attacks, he noted, occur in only 5 percent of Iraq.

"They pose no strategic threat to the coalition or to its forces," he said. "We are dealing with that threat on a virtually daily basis, rounding up killers, the trained torturers of the Fedayeen Saddam, the intelligence services."

But this statement seemed to ignore the psychological impact of the violence, which is felt not on 5 percent of the territory, but throughout the country.

Mr. Bremer suggested that America could handle the job in Iraq. But the Bush administration will find it hard to claim victory as long Iraq remains so unsafe that not even the United Nations can work at anything like full capacity.

Many military experts fear that one calamitous terror strike — killing many American soldiers as did those in Beirut in 1983 or in Saudi Arabia in 1996 — could still bring the whole Iraq operation into question.

Even if he played down the violence, Mr. Bremer acknowledged that the task of rebuilding Iraq had turned out to be far greater than expected, because of decades of neglect under Mr. Hussein. So, he said, it is important that Congress approve the full $20 billion Mr. Bush has requested for reconstruction — for electricity, water, a new Iraqi army.

Occupation authorities believe that may be the key to ending the violence: raising the standard of living and convincing Iraqis, maybe even some of those fighting now, that the American operation has been worth the pain. But, as Mr. Bremer noted, the huge task of reconstruction will not come "overnight."

In fact, after six months, one thing seems clear in the general confusion of Iraq: The American project will measured over years, or even decades, and to see it through, to ensure that there is no going back, American soldiers will probably be needed.

nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (11584)10/10/2003 5:48:31 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793956
 
Dean is paying shills! This I don't like. It is right out of the Internet stock swindles. From "The Hill"
_________________________________

"Dean has done other things to maximize his online fundraising punch, like reinvesting money into expanding donor lists and paying “bloggers” or professional Internet surfers to keep the enthusiasm up on his website."

thehill.com

Comment from "WSJ.com"

"We're all for free enterprise, but this does point up an advantage of "old media" over bloggers. Professional journalists may have their biases, but those of us who work for big-media outfits are bound by codes of ethics under which taking money in exchange for favorable coverage would be a huge no-no. Many bloggers, of course, genuinely are independent commentators, but there's no easy way of knowing which ones are on the take."



To: JohnM who wrote (11584)10/10/2003 5:53:24 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793956
 
I have been posting a good bit from the "LA Weekly." It is a "Left Wing" magazine. They sum up the problem well.
___________________________

Dissonance

Jonestown for Democrats
Liberals follow Gray into the big nowhere
by Marc Cooper

The toxic Gray Kool-Aid so vigorously and blindly lapped up by Democrats and liberals over the past week seemed fully ingested by the time the polls closed Tuesday night. As the 8 o’clock hour ominously tolled at the Biltmore, the ballroom bleachers sagged under the weight of 200 or so journos, and a couple of very bored white-shirted fire marshals milled at the doorway, but nary a single living human being could be found on the floor of the Davis election-night party, a neat little reproduction of Jonestown.

I ran into my pal UCLA music maven Robert Winter, who had sauntered over to the Biltmore after being shut out from the Paul Krugman reading across the street at the public library. He was so amused by the deathly void of the funereal ballroom that he rushed out into its center so I could snap a souvenir picture of him standing starkly alone in Gray Davis’ new domain: the Big Nowhere.

Two hours later, when Davis formally surrendered, a roomful of supporters from Jesse Jackson to Dolores Huerta were dutifully assembled to stand with him before the cameras. But they shimmered onscreen as little more than political ghosts, having sacrificed themselves for such an unworthy ally as Davis.

Face it. Just about everything liberal activists said about the recall, just about every Cassandra-like prediction spooned out by the party hacks at MoveOn.org, failed to materialize. Far from being a Republican "power grab," the recall election culminated as a raucous festival of direct democracy. Turnout was much greater than in November. The voting system didn’t collapse. No Hurricane Chad ripped through the counting rooms. No masses of people of color were disenfranchised. Thousands of not-very-confused-at-all citizens did not mistakenly vote for Gary Coleman instead of Cruz Bustamante.

Over the past eight weeks, Democrats raised umpteen times more cash than Darrell Issa spent on gathering recall signatures (and more than Schwarzenegger did), and even with the added advantage of incumbency, Davis lost fair and square.

Tuesday’s winner didn’t finish with a mere 15 percent or 20 percent of the vote, as the anti-recall propaganda so relentlessly and falsely warned, but with a total nudging 50 percent. And please note: After all the absentee ballots are counted, Arnold Schwarzenegger gets not only more votes than those cast to retain Davis, but will also wind up with more votes than Davis won last November. Spin that any way you please, but the cold truth is that the Terminator’s mandate is every bit as broad and legitimate as was the failed Davis’.

Refusing to validate or even recognize the raw voter resentment against the political cesspool of Sacramento, liberals wound up pinned up against the wall, on the losing side of an historic voter revolt. As the insurgency swelled, the best that liberal activists could do was plug their ears, cover their eyes and rather mindlessly repeat that this all was some sinister plot linked to Florida, Texas, Bush, the Carlyle Group, Enron, and Skull and Bones. By bunkering down with the discredited and justly scorned Gray Davis, they wound up defending an indefensible status quo against a surging wave of popular disgust. So gross was their miscalculation that the campaign ended last week with the lobbyist-infested state Capitol being surrounded by 10,000 broom-waving Arnold supporters instead of by what should have been an army of enraged reformers and progressives.

If you think it odd that Schwarzenegger and the California Republican Party should be able to effortlessly assume the posture of populist slayers of special interests, then you are normal. But if you can’t figure out that it’s Gray Davis’ coin-operated administration and the liberals’ refusal to divorce themselves from it that allows such a comic-opera, then you’re, to be polite, naïve.

Yet, by election eve, liberals had worked themselves into quite a self-deluding and frenzied lather. The same apologists for Clinton’s sex scandals transformed themselves into the new morality police — shocked, even outraged by Arnold’s boorishness. Can you imagine someone like that in public office? (As a matter of fact I can, vividly recalling Juanita Broderick’s accusation of rape against Big Bill.) Defeat of the recall, in the heads of lefties, merged with images of the Durutti column heroically defending Madrid against the Franco onslaught. (No pasaran, Austrian swine!) And why not? Arnold, actually the most liberal of statewide GOP candidates to come along in a generation, was now a Hitler-loving Nazi. Like father, like son and all that. Today English only — tomorrow mandatory Deutsch.

I took all that overheated and rather juvenile satanization of Schwarzenegger as nothing more than some sort of twisted collective exorcism, a ritual-like purging of guilt and self-loathing by liberals who — up until last week — had, against their better instincts, and sometimes inexplicably, forced themselves to support the undeserving cause of the governor. But if, of course, Arnold was really a closet fascist and a serial rapist, the sleeper candidate of the Boys From Brazil, well then, we were no longer useful idiots in the survival of Big Money’s favorite governor, but now we would have promoted ourselves to righteous soldiers, the last thin line in defense of Western civilization as we know it.

Fortunately, much of the Democratic base is so much smarter than its leadership. Exit polling reveals much of it just plain refused to buy this crap and outright refused to lift a finger, or punch a chad, to save Davis. Twenty-five percent of Democrats voted to fire the Guv. The wheels of Miguel Contreras’ and the County Labor Federation’s much-vaunted multimillion-dollar get-out-the-vote machine flew off when it crashed head-on with the rank and file. Half of union households voted for the recall, 4 of 10 directly for Schwarzenegger. Black turnout was disproportionately low, and 30 percent of African-Americans voted to can the governor. So did half of Latinos and more than 40 percent of women, gays and lesbians. One out of four liberals also went with the Terminator.

This is all good news. Not because Schwarzenegger has been elected. (Nor is his election necessarily bad news. We shall see in the days and months to come if he can fulfill any of his outsider rhetoric or if he will indeed turn out to be one more business-as-usual Republican.) But for the moment, let the Democratic Party and its "progressive" satellites deeply, richly and slowly feel the painful consequences of allying with and defending — to death itself — the likes of Gray Davis. The harder the Democrats now have to work to hold on to constituencies they’d rather take for granted, so much the better. One day they may actually get it.
laweekly.com