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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (11847)10/11/2003 12:28:49 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793625
 
Another, "The Sky is Falling" as the Internet lead at the "Times." The story made me think of an old Korean war ditty. Changed as follows.
When those terrorist bombs begin to thud,
The NGO's begin to bug,
It's the bug-out boogy!


Hey, Meeester! Wanna buy a white Toyota 4x4 cheep?
___________________________________

October 12, 2003
Aid Workers Leaving Iraq, Fearing They Are Targets
By IAN FISHER and ELIZABETH BECKER

BAGHDAD, Oct. 11 — The great majority of foreign aid workers in Iraq, fearing they have become targets of the postwar violence, have quietly pulled out of the country in the past month, leaving essential relief work to their Iraqi colleagues and slowing much of the reconstruction effort.

Projects that have been abandoned, at least temporarily, because of the exodus include efforts to dig village wells, repair electrical systems and refurbish health clinics and local hospitals — all of which could bring much needed services to hundreds of thousands of Iraqis.

The largest reduction in staff has been at the United Nations operation in Iraq, which after two bombings at its main compound since August cut its work force to 35 from a peak of 600 in August.

Nearly every other relief organization has made some reductions, saying that parts of Iraq are now highly risky, between unpredictable spasms of bombing and shooting and high levels of street crime. There have been two killings of aid workers since July, three grenade attacks on aid groups in the last month and at least two carjackings.

Doctors Without Borders, founded by a French group, is weighing whether to proceed with plans to build two more medical clinics, in addition to the three it already runs. Another French group shut down a program for children. The International Committee of the Red Cross has greatly reduced its system to help Iraqis find missing relatives and has cut back on medical assistance to hospitals and clinics.

The United Nations Development Program has put off major reconstruction of electrical systems, and some groups, like Oxfam International, a private charity concerned with fighting poverty, have pulled out their foreign workers altogether.

With the shrinking presence of relief workers, the United States military and its contractors find themselves more alone as they deal with the daily problems of Iraqis.

It is a difficult choice, aid groups say, whether to stay in Iraq now that most of their work has shifted from immediate life-saving measures to longer-term reconstruction projects that could nonetheless improve Iraqis' lives considerably.

The International Committee of the Red Cross, which is normally the first to join these dangerous situations and the last to leave, has reduced its work force to 30 from 130 at its peak. The committee, based in Geneva, has been committed to Iraq since 1980, offering its services throughout the Persian Gulf war of 1991, the ensuing years when Iraq was under United Nations sanctions, and during the war last spring. But it began pulling out its staff after a Sri Lankan technician was killed in July.

"We are absolutely committed to staying on and carrying on but we have to react to the current situation," said Florian Westphal, a spokesman for the group in Geneva. "One of the most regrettable consequences is that with fewer staff we carry out fewer activities."

The group now restricts itself to providing help in medical emergencies and visiting detainees and prisoners of war to ensure that they are afforded their rights under the Geneva Conventions. "If we don't visit the detainees and help them stay in touch with their relatives, no one else can do it," Mr. Westphal said.

The violence against foreigners continues. On Thursday, José Antonio Bernal Gómez, the deputy intelligence officer at the Spanish Embassy, was assassinated after he opened the door of his home to a man dressed as a Shiite cleric.

Aid workers have become so concerned about their safety that they carefully avoid calling attention to themselves. Normally proud to show off their achievements in the press and to donors, they have taken down signs in front of their offices and stickers off their cars. They seldom speak to reporters.

For the same reason, few among the foreign aid workers are willing to say how many are based in the country, admitting only that more than half have left, leaving mainly managers overseeing budgets and teams of Iraqi workers.

The aid workers who remain are taking greater precautions, traveling less, increasing protection at their homes and offices, relying more on two-way radios and staying away from the larger hotels. Most say they have not yet hired armed guards.

They say the atmosphere can be deceptively calm. "You don't feel insecurity," said Thomas Dehermann, head of mission for Doctors Without Borders, which has purposely maintained only a small team of foreigners and a limited program in Iraq. "You feel like you are just working and — boom! — it happens."

A further complication is the question of whether smaller aid groups, unlike the United Nations, are actual targets for terror attacks, or mistaken as part of the American occupation forces. "There is some confusion, which is the biggest difficulty working here," Mr. Dehermann said. "Everybody is considered a subcontractor working for the U.S., which is completely wrong."

Enfants du Monde, a French aid group, closed down a center for street children, after a dispute with some of the children led an angry neighbor to tell people in the area that the group was part of the American-led occupation.

"After that, we were quite afraid," said Michel Savel, the group's program coordinator. In recent weeks, the group scaled back in a telling way: Three of six foreign aid workers left, one replaced with a full-time security adviser.

The biggest hole was caused by the flight of more than 550 United Nations workers.

After the bombing on Aug. 19 of the United Nations headquarters here that killed Sergio Vieira de Mello, the head of mission, and 21 other people, the organization has come to rely on its 4,233 Iraqi employees to deliver essential services. That includes bringing about 110,000 tons of food a month through the World Food Program; about 3 million gallons of water a day to Baghdad and Basra through the United Nations Children's Fund, and more than 550,000 tons of fertilizers, herbicides and insecticides for farmers planting winter crops.

"One of the fallouts of our evacuation is we lost some of our most skilled professionals in the field," said William Orme, a spokesman for the United Nations Development Program, which repairs infrastructure. "On the positive side, we have Iraqis in positions of responsibility who are able to carry out the bulk of the immediate repairs."

Aid officials said Iraqis were more than capable of assuming greater roles in their country's recovery. The country director for CARE, Margaret Hassan, is an Iraqi citizen who oversees 8 foreign staff members and 60 Iraqis.

"Even though security remains a major concern — not only for foreigners but for Iraqis — I do think the rebuilding of Iraq must be done overwhelmingly by Iraqis," said Peter D. Bell, president of CARE U.S.A.
nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (11847)10/11/2003 7:26:41 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793625
 
Money Quote: The electronic revolution has brought us many blessings, but it has also blindsided us with a tidal wave of pornography. In similar fashion, we are now getting a faceful of rotten journalism — journalistic pornography, actually — in which ratings are everything and truth is nothing

He is bitching about the Blogs. Mickey Kaus got to him. Drudge was really the first successful blog. These old line editors are having a tough time accepting the Internet revolution.

?It was written that the paper failed to follow up on reports that Davis had mistreated women in his office. Fact: Virginia Ellis, a recent Pulitzer Prize finalist, and other Times reporters investigated this twice. Their finding both times: The discernible facts didn't support a story.

I don't think so. They spiked this. This article is going to cause a firestorm of replies, comments, and columns.
_____________________________________


The Story Behind the Story
How The Times decided to publish the accounts of 16 women who said they had been sexually mistreated and humiliated by Arnold Schwarzenegger.
By John S. Carroll
Los Angeles Times Editor

October 12, 2003

The volcanic passions of the recall are largely spent, though we'll no doubt be feeling their effects for many years. Today, on this Sunday of relative calm, I'd like to tell you how the Los Angeles Times decided to publish the stories of 16 women who said they had been sexually mistreated and humiliated by Arnold Schwarzenegger.

I'll also tell you why we published the first of those articles a mere five days before voters went to the polls, a decision that has prompted an outpouring of campaign denunciations, talk-show rants and blistering e-mails.

Critics have accused the newspaper of malice toward Republicans and of collaboration with Gray Davis and the Democrats. It has been suggested that we cynically concealed the completed story for weeks before detonating it as a last-minute bomb. Some used the term "October surprise."

I'll begin this accounting with a bit of background: One of our goals is to do more investigative reporting. At the risk of offending still more readers, I'll say that if you're put off by investigative reporting, this probably won't be the right newspaper for you in the years to come.

Investigative skills were needed when Schwarzenegger announced for governor on Aug. 6. For years, he'd had a reputation in Hollywood as a man who treated women crassly. The gossip about him reached a peak after Premiere magazine published an article in March 2001 titled "Arnold the Barbarian."

Because Schwarzenegger had a chance of becoming our next governor, we decided on the day he entered the race to see whether this reputation was warranted. The examination was part of a broader look at all the leading candidates, covering their life histories, their stands on the issues, their personalities and their characters.

We assigned the task of investigating Schwarzenegger's reputation to two veteran reporters: Robert Welkos, who has covered Hollywood for half of his 25 years on the paper, and Gary Cohn, who won a Pulitzer Prize in 1998 for investigative reporting at the Baltimore Sun.

They were joined by Carla Hall, a former Washington Post reporter who has covered news and features here for a decade, and many others, most notably Tracy Weber and Megan Garvey.

The undertaking was not easy. How do you find women who say they have been mistreated? How do you persuade them to talk? How do you determine whether they're telling the truth?

The reporters started by asking the paper's many Hollywood sources for names of possible victims. The names of other people who might have knowledge of Schwarzenegger's behavior were gleaned from the credits of his films.

Then the reporters began trying to find the women.

It is hard to overstate the amount of wasted time such work entails. People move from one town to another. Their last names change.

When strangers show up at their doors, they are suspicious.

When the subject of the story is mentioned, they say they're afraid of losing their jobs. They contemplate sharing their private humiliation with millions of readers, and their stomachs ache.

They say they'll think things over and call back. They don't.

Friends counsel them not to get involved.

When a woman finally does agree to tell her story, it must be verified.

Do details change from one interview to another? What do databases show about her background? Does she have a criminal record? Has she been sued?

Can she prove that she actually was employed where she says she was?

And where was Schwarzenegger at the time?

Will she allow her name to be used? If not, how about her occupation? Such discussions drag on and on.

When it's clear that her story holds together, the search for corroborating witnesses begins. This, again, requires database searches, phone calls, home visits and discussions over how much the paper can publish without putting a job at risk.

When all the reporting is done, her story still needs to be written. And then it must be integrated into a larger story including other women.

It was a daunting feat to get all this accomplished during the 62 days of Schwarzenegger's campaign, a year less time than we'd have to cover a normal gubernatorial race.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

A critic has claimed that The Times actually finished the Schwarzenegger story long before the election.

"They had the story done two weeks ago," this critic said on national television. "And they should have published it when it was ready to go...."

The statement was, as the old editor's saying goes, "a good story, if true."

From our files, here is what really happened: On Sept. 15, a federal court ordered the election postponed. (The order was later reversed.) The next day at 1:35 p.m., I sent the following e-mail to the reporters working on the story:

"Yesterday, when we discussed your stories, I was concerned about the brief time frame we have for getting them reported and into the paper. The subsequent decision to postpone the election shouldn't be seen as a reason to slow down.

"The information you're seeking, if verified, ought to be known by the voters before election day, not after. It's quite possible that the election will be held as originally scheduled, so please press ahead at full speed."

That was 16 days before the story was published. Does it sound as if we were sitting on it?

This critic's accusation was among several lulus cranked out by local journalists.

It was also written, for example, that Davis was the puppeteer behind the Times stories. Fact: None of the information in the Times stories came from the Davis camp, as we said in the articles when we published them.

It was written that high Democratic officials were kept apprised of the newspaper's probe, step by step. Fact: No Democratic officials were apprised. Because the paper was interviewing many sources, the existence of the investigation was widely known, but the details were not. The Davis people may have learned that the investigation was underway from Web sites, which mentioned rumors about it repeatedly.

It was written that the paper failed to follow up on reports that Davis had mistreated women in his office. Fact: Virginia Ellis, a recent Pulitzer Prize finalist, and other Times reporters investigated this twice. Their finding both times: The discernible facts didn't support a story.

It was written....

Well, you get the idea.

In days past, such misleading stories tended to make a brief splash and then sink into richly deserved oblivion, but we're living in changing times.

Today, if a story has potential to stir resentment among large numbers of people, it is seized like gold by the talk shows. Whether true or false, it is cynically packaged as the inside story "they" don't want you to know.

Early in its electronic life cycle, such a story bounces around the talk shows and the Internet, often presented breathlessly as a revelation. Later, intoned on TV by people in dark suits, it acquires the solemnity of established truth.

The electronic revolution has brought us many blessings, but it has also blindsided us with a tidal wave of pornography. In similar fashion, we are now getting a faceful of rotten journalism — journalistic pornography, actually — in which ratings are everything and truth is nothing.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

As the Schwarzenegger story came into focus, these were our choices:

Publish it late in the campaign. Given the passions of the election, this would touch off an outcry against the newspaper. We had no illusion that it would be warmly received.

Hold it and publish after the election. This would prompt anger among citizens who expect the newspaper to treat them like adults and give them all the information it has before they cast their votes.

Never publish it. This could be justified only if the story were untrue or insignificant.

We, of course, chose the first option. Regrets? Not one.

When the story was published, Schwarzenegger admitted that he had "behaved badly" in the past and offered a general apology to any women he had offended. At another point, he said, "I have never grabbed anyone and pulled up their shirt and grabbed their breasts and stuff like that." But when asked whether he was denying all the stories about grabbing, he said, "No, not all." At still another point, he questioned the credibility of some of the women.

But the facts in the Times stories have not been seriously challenged.

The merit of an investigative story can be judged, to an extent, by what happens in its aftermath. In this case, the initial story reported that six women said they'd been sexually mistreated by Schwarzenegger. Two of the women were quoted by name. Four declined to be named, three fearing that they would be blackballed by the movie industry and one concerned that she would be publicly ridiculed.

Personally, I knew the stories were solid as Gibraltar, but I was worried that readers might see the evidence as thin.

In any case, it didn't take long for it to thicken. Soon after our first story, additional women began to come forward. Two appeared at press conferences to describe their ordeals with Schwarzenegger, and another did so at a political demonstration. Still more revealed their stories to The Times.

By election day, the total was 16, of whom 11 were named. Details of their stories varied, but there were common themes, including a feeling of deep helplessness and lasting humiliation. Knowing the anguish they had expressed to our reporters, I admired their courage.

Among those employees whose misfortune it is to answer the phones at The Times, there is a consensus that our angriest critics haven't actually read the stories. Instead, they've heard about them secondhand.

If you would like to read them, they are posted on our Web site: latimes.com.

I believe they'll strike you as rigorously factual and even in tone. They're also certain to strike you as vulgar, perhaps even obscene. My wife informed me that I'd strayed far over the line in publishing one of the anecdotes.

But such is the behavior at the heart of the issue.

Are the stories significant? Some think they starkly illuminate the character of a man who has been elected to the highest office in California. Some don't. Our role is to serve citizens of varying views by examining the behavior and the policies of political leaders and publishing our findings.

And when we publish, we do it in a timely fashion. Better, I say, to be surprised by your newspaper in October than to learn in November that your newspaper has betrayed you by withholding the truth.

latimes.com