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Politics : Wesley Clark -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (583)10/13/2003 12:05:38 AM
From: Don Green  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1414
 
Putting the Ark. in Clark
In Little Rock, the Old Clinton Team Rallies Around a New Favorite Son

By Hanna Rosin
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, October 13, 2003; Page C01

Different candidate, but the scene was all too familiar. Little Rock, just near the river. Wesley Clark's "campaign headquarters," really a hovel with makeshift desks and no phone lines. Some of the old Clinton boys -- Eli Segal, Mark Fabiani -- pumping the candidate: There's no time, General Clark, you'll have to announce tomorrow. We'll stay up all night to write the announcement speech! Get up at 4 to prep for the morning shows!

But this time around Ron Klain skipped out early -- he had a client meeting the next morning -- and caught the 5 p.m. flight back to BWI.

For an impressive percentage of the old Clinton-Gore crowd, the Wesley Clark campaign is doubling as a college reunion. There they were at the New York Democratic presidential debate last month, a revival act strutting into the greenroom just late enough to cause a stir: Fabiani, Klain, Bruce Lindsey, Rahm Emanuel, Michael Waldman, plus scores of mid-level extras from "The War Room." Buzzing around their man, again, making news, again, bringing with them a whiff of those legendary days: the backroom of Doe's steakhouse, the time James Carville cracked an egg on that girl's head, victory night singing "The Star-Spangled Banner" maybe 20 times on the steps of the Little Rock statehouse.

"Hey, it's just like old times," says Terry McAuliffe, who as head of the Democratic National Committee is neutral but still nostalgic. "We're all back together again."

But as anyone from the VH1 generation can tell you, a reunion of old comrades is never just a happy occasion. Old feuds are revived, missing years are sized up, a suspicion lurks that the perfect chemistry happens only once in a lifetime. The band can get back together, but it's never the same.

At this exact time in 1991 they were no-name grunts, holed up in an old paint store, sleeping on couches to try to elect some guy dismissed by Republicans as the "failed governor of a small state." They were mostly kidless and if they had wives they never saw them. Back then, if they called Little Rock a "hole" they said it with pride, like you might complain about a favorite dive bar just off campus.

"Really naive," says Klain. "Totally idealistic. The whole thing had a generational feel about it. It didn't feel professional at all. It felt like we were making it up as we went along."

Now they come with baggage: kids old enough to voice their objections, demanding clients, more than a decade's worth of political enemies. Now they comfort each other that Little Rock, Clark's home town, has improved dramatically in the years since they camped there. But by that they mean Southwest Airlines has direct flights from Baltimore, so you can get in and out in a day.

"Not that we're in it just for the White House jobs," says Klain. "But it's less fresh, less naive. It just feels like the second time around."

Scanning the greenroom that day in New York, watching the scrubbed faces from the other campaigns flitting in and out, Klain had this thought: "Every other person in here has worked for me four, six years ago. I'm 42. I'm just way too old to be doing this." He recounts this moment while sitting in the new I Street offices of the law firm O'Melveny and Myers, where exotic plants grace the hushed marble hallways, where his name is etched in the frosted glass door.

On the far side of his office is the gallery of great moments: a photo of him cracking up at the podium while helping Al Gore prep for a debate, him and Clinton the day the president picked a new Supreme Court justice, framed news clips of their victories. On the bookshelves right over his desk are the family photos, nothing special, just the comfort of domestic routine, his three kids standing around the front door, sitting around, hugging his wife.

"It's been long enough," he says. "Part of me thinks it's somebody else's turn now."

Political Junkies

Veterans describe their first campaign as an incredible high, the second as a problem addiction. "Campaigns are one of the strongest narcotics known to man," says Bruce Reed, one of those grunts working on Bill Clinton's first presidential campaign who is now at the Democratic Leadership Council. "Once you've tried it, it spoils you for everything else. It's hard to go back to normal life. You're just waiting around for the next one to start."

Those considered lucky enough to have moved beyond temptation are the ones with the lucrative TV gigs, namely George Stephanopoulos, who's now an ABC news show host; James Carville, who has a role on the HBO show "K Street"; and Paul Begala, who co-hosts CNN's "Crossfire."

Although even Begala says: " 'Never' is a strong word. . . . Look, I miss it, and if I didn't have four children now I'd do it again. There's a part of you that's like the firehouse dog who's retired to a nice family in the suburbs. Once in a while you hear the bell and think, 'I gotta go fight that fire.' "

Reed misses the trail, too, but he uses what he calls "the methadone approach." He gets it out of his system by staying neutral, advising nearly all of the Democratic candidates on policy matters. "It doesn't bother me to go home to my family every night instead of sleeping on some couch in Little Rock," he says. "It's time for the younger people to experience these joys."

The ones who are not resisting fall into several categories, depending on their willingness to pick up and move to Little Rock. Last week Clark announced his key staff positions and half were Clinton-Gore veterans. Conspicuously missing were Fabiani and Klain, who've done a large share of the work since he announced his candidacy.

"I just can't," Fabiani says about going official or, God forbid, moving to Little Rock. "I've got two small kids and an existing list of clients I can't just leave in the lurch." He says he'll only help with the "start-up," although he admits, "You get totally drawn into it."

Some have already moved to Little Rock: or are about to: Eli Segal, who ran Clinton's first campaign, is the chairman and CEO of Clark's campaign. Vanessa Weaver, a Clinton appointee, has been with Clark from the start and is known as the XO, in charge of day-to-day operations. Matt Bennett, who worked on both Clinton campaigns, is now director of communications. Mickey Kantor, who chaired Clinton's first campaign, is now heading Clark's steering committee from Washington.

Other Clinton-Gore veterans are floating in Clark's orbit: Clinton friend Bill Oldaker is the election lawyer. Adviser Bruce Lindsey has traveled with Clark. Ex-speechwriter Michael Waldman and legal adviser Joel Johnson have helped with debate prep. Rep. Rahm Emanuel (D-Ill.) is his strongest congressional supporter. Robert Rubin, Gene Sperling and Laura D'Andrea Tyson, the trio of Clinton economic luminaries, are giving advice. Andrea Evans, the wife of Chris Lehane, Gore's campaign press secretary, has also joined the campaign.

There are several theories about why the Clintonites converged on the Clark campaign. The meanest is that no one else asked them. The most cynical is that they think he can win. The most likely is that Clark announced late and had no political network, so there was a huge vacuum that could be quickly filled with experienced operatives.


The New Generation

From the newly improved Clark campaign office in Little Rock's old train station, Segal describes himself as a "Clinton person for thousands of years." Like most of the Clintonites, he'd met Clark only a couple of times before he signed on to the campaign. He supports him, he says, partly because he thinks he can win and partly because he inspires the kind of awe veterans of political wars feel for veterans of real ones:

"With Bill Clinton it was a personal thing," he says. "But with Wes -- I mean General Clark -- it's a different thing. It's a kind of quiet respect. You can't help but respect and honor what he's done for the country."

He doesn't mind moving to Little Rock because his kids are grown, and because the place holds fine memories for him. Just the other day he walked by the statehouse and flashed back to victory night, 1992, he and Carville swaying and singing "The Star Spangled Banner" over and over.

"It was such a magical moment," he says. "I never really thought it would happen to someone like me who'd spent their life balancing budget sheets."

This latest venture he describes as a "time warp. The same kind of raucous young energy, the cacophony of noises." But this time around it's happening sort of apart from him. "Look at them," he says, sweeping his arm toward the open room. There's a group of people roughly the same age as his children, all sitting and staring intently at laptops ("Yo, check out this blog," yells one), guys in goatees, their oxford shirts rumpled at the elbows, a girl in a military fatigue crop top that reads "Wesley Clark for President."

"They understand more than just the technology, they understand how to use it," he says. "Which is why it's easy for an old guy like me to thrive off their energy."

At lunchtime, a group of young Clark staffers heads over to Doe's, where Carville et al. used to order steaks after hours and hold backroom strategy sessions well into the night. They rented "The War Room," the documentary about Clinton's Little Rock campaign operation, a couple of weeks ago and worship the various characters. "That's us now, I guess," says one. All have left spouses, jobs, in some cases little kids, to move to a place where they know no one. They are uprooted, broke and yet happy, desperately earnest about their candidate, whom they refer to as "the General."

Chris Kofinis, a former professor at California State University, Northridge, has seen his wife "for half a day and two hours in a month," he says with a strange kind of pride. He is the prankster who thought up the idea of running a half-page "Draft Wesley Clark" ad in the local paper in Crawford, Tex., while President Bush was there on vacation.

But mostly they are deadly serious. The Draft Clark 2004 movement was "the most empowering experience of my life," says Susan Altrui, who quit her job as a debate coach at Colorado State University to join.

"Wesley Clark is the president we were promised as children growing up," says Altrui. "He is a real leader. Someone who inspires. Who cares. He is like the parent for the nation," she says, and then picks up a french fry.

Resisting Temptation

The General, meanwhile, is on his way to the next presidential debate in Arizona, where he will meet the debate prep team. With one exception they are old hands.

Waldman is on his way to Arizona too, but insists several times that he is not really involved. "No, no, no, no, no," he says, when asked if he is joining the campaign. "I have a new law practice and a book I'm promoting" -- an anthology of great presidential speeches called "My Fellow Americans." "I have no intention of being involved in a presidential campaign. Period."

During the Clinton campaign, Klain was the junior member of Gore's debate prep team. Now he's the senior person in charge of assembling the staff. He makes sure to mention that one of its members is Josh Margolis, a draft Clark leader who "brings a different perspective. It's been a big help."

Their job is fairly clinical, they say. It's not to formulate Clark's positions or ply him with jokes but rather to teach him to shoehorn his thoughts into neat 30-second sound bites.

Klain says the sessions are fun and not too straining. He has outstanding commitments, though. His daughter, now wise to the cycles of politics, has noticed that her bat mitzvah is scheduled for right after Super Tuesday. So far he's promised he'll be there.

© 2003 The Washington Post Company



To: American Spirit who wrote (583)10/13/2003 12:40:50 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1414
 
Clark knows how to fight

_______________________________________

By Mark Silva
Orlando Sentinel Staff Writer
Posted October 12, 2003
orlandosentinel.com



FORT DODGE, Iowa -- Wesley Clark, retired four-star general and newest enlistee in the campaign for president, strides onto a basketball court in front of 250 curious Iowans. Loudspeakers pump the lyrics of Johnny Cash's "Ring of Fire."

"If it's a ring of fire, by God, let's bring it on," Clark declares. "Let's take that ring of fire all the way to the White House. Let's put that current administration inside the ring of fire, and let 'em leave."












The newcomer to this ring is a compact combatant with a pointed chin and ready smile. He is humorous about past exploits and pranks. But he is humorless for the mission ahead, with a fire to win that has consumed him for much of his life.

A registered Democrat for just nine days and presidential candidate for a few weeks, Clark instantly has become a fearsome force.

With astonishing speed, Clark became a head-to-head competitor with President Bush and surged ahead of eight other long-running Democrats in national polling. He was even drawing fire from nervous rivals in the latest televised debate of the Democrats last week.

Clark, 58, may be a newcomer to professional politics. But he possesses obvious winning ways, a turn-it-on charm and quick candor under questioning. He also possesses the mind-set of the boy from Little Rock, Ark., who graduated first in his class from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, schooled in the adage of the late Gen. Douglas MacArthur: "There is no substitute for victory."

"He's not a macho, swaggering type," says Ted Hill, a professor at Georgia Institute of Technology who was Clark's roommate at West Point. "He's intense, but he's humorous and he's charming. He's extremely smart. When we were teenagers, he told me he was going to be No. 1 in the class. It wasn't a brag. It was a prediction."

Clark explains: "It's a way of just competing with yourself."

Clark reached the near-pinnacle of military power, supreme commander of American and NATO forces in Europe. Yet he won a 78-day air war in Kosovo only to be removed by a secretary of defense who chafed at Clark's penchant for cutting channels to pursue his agenda. Clark acknowledges in his own first book: "Four-star ego was a powerful and particularly dangerous force."

His own former commander has publicly questioned his integrity; other officers call him abrasive and even reckless. Yet others praise his leadership.

Clark started his campaign as a concept: a warrior who can compete with the president at a time of international conflict and economic problems at home.

But he swiftly has filled in the blanks on the campaign circuit, billing himself as "pro-choice, pro-labor, pro-health, pro-education" and an advocate of affirmative action. He is "uneasy" about capital punishment, arguing that it is meted out unfairly, and suggests a wholesale review: "Unpack all those cases on death row."

When he completed 34 years of military service, Clark wistfully told a college-campus crowd: "I was either going to be the loneliest Republican in America, or I was going to be a happy Democrat."

He is painting not-so-subtle contrasts with the Republican president.

"I'm reasonably intelligent," says Clark, a Rhodes scholar, when asked by one voter what qualifies him for the presidency. "I read."

With a comedian's timing, he repeats from city to city a line asserting that Bush will need more than a brother-governor in Florida to win re-election: "There are already some polls out that look pretty good. . . . If it keeps going like this, he's going to need brothers in the 49 other states to win this election."

'He speaks to you'

In encounters with voters, Clark exudes warmth and genuineness.

"I think the guy is real," says Dave Loney, a retired firefighter from Iowa City who drove three hours to see Clark in Fort Dodge.

"He hasn't wasted his life preparing himself to be a professional politician," Loney says. "He doesn't speak above you. He speaks to you."

Clark is saying what voters in the early-contest states of Iowa and New Hampshire want to hear: The war with Iraq was wrong. Yet, as one who has fought two wars, he maintains war should be the "last, last, last" resort -- as he tells airline mechanics filling an Oklahoma union hall: "Do anything else first."

Still, he is not saying what many Americans want to hear about a conflict claiming more American lives each week.

"Now we're there, and we need to make the best of it," says Clark, arguing that the United Nations must take control of the political redevelopment of Iraq but the American military must maintain security for now. "There is no easy way to an exit strategy. What we want is a successful exit strategy."

This is an unsatisfying answer for Howard Larson, an elderly Republican in Fort Dodge upset with the continuing death toll.

"But it's an honest answer," Clark says in an interview later. "You've got to tell the people the truth. My campaign is about telling the truth."

'Stand up for yourself'

His directness has rubbed some superiors the wrong way.

"The mission is never about getting promoted. It's about doing your job. . . . You give people your honest opinion in a direct way," says Clark, who considers his career basic training for leading a nation.

The last Supreme Allied Commander Europe who sought the presidency, Dwight Eisenhower, became the 11th general to win it.

"I'm not in this campaign just to make a statement," Clark tells the Orlando Sentinel. "It is my intention to become the next president of the United States."

Wesley Kanne Clark was born in Chicago on Dec. 23, 1944.

His father, Benjamin Kanne, was a lawyer and politician. His father died shortly before his son turned 4, and his mother moved him to live with her parents in Little Rock, where she married a banker named Victor Clark.

The boy's father was Jewish, but Clark was raised as a Baptist -- his mother explaining later that she wanted to protect him from prejudice.

He converted to Catholicism in Vietnam, and today speaks about political affairs in religious terms -- he calls the war in Iraq a "sin of commission," and the world's refusal to intervene in Rwanda's bloodshed a "sin of omission."

His senior year in high school, Clark and a friend both were nominated as homeroom representative to the student council. They agreed to vote for each other. But when they put their heads down, each raised a hand for the friend. Clark lost.

"I was just being nice," says Clark, explaining a lesson he learned: "If somebody nominates you for something . . . you should stand up for yourself."

He won scholarships at Duke and Georgia Tech but wanted West Point.

He was first in his class by the end of first semester, Hill remembers. On a scholarship to Oxford University in England, Clark earned a master's in philosophy and economics.

In the summer of 1969, Clark went to Vietnam and led an infantry company.

"I made it for seven weeks, and I came home on a stretcher," says Clark, who was shot in the hand, shoulder, leg and hip on patrol north of Saigon.

His roommate from West Point was in Japan, where Clark was convalescing.

"The ward was very depressing," says Hill, who showed up at midnight with a wheelchair. "We decided to make a break. We made it out of the ward and out of the hospital. We went to the Officers' Club. Neither one of us drink very much, but we got completely soused."

A lighter side

That wasn't the last prank the two friends played.

At their 20th West Point reunion, Hill, single, was staying with a girlfriend on campus, a rule-breaker. Clark was in Europe, uncertain he could make the reunion. In the middle of the night, Hill heard pounding on the door: " 'We know you're in there.' It was Wes Clark, and about a half-hour later he sent the MPs."

"It was an ambush," says Clark -- he and his wife, Gertrude, remembering well Hill's revenge. "He glued the lock on my room so I couldn't use the deadbolt. At three in the morning, the phone rang: 'Mr. Clark, this is your wake-up call.' Then he walked in with a bucket of water and dumped it on me."

This was the light side of an officer making heavy gains in the Army. Clark made brigadier general at 43 and became commander of the National Training Center and then the 1st Cavalry Division. As director of planning for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he helped negotiate the 1995 Dayton Accord for peace in Bosnia.

One admirer, retired Gen. Barry McCaffrey, told The Washington Post: "This is no insult to Army culture, a culture I love and admire, but he was way too bright, way too articulate, way too good-looking and perceived to be way too wired to fit in with our culture. He was not one of the good old boys."

Another fan, then-Defense Secretary William Perry, overrode Army recommendations of other candidates and insisted on Clark to lead the U.S. Southern Command in 1996. Another, Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff John Shalikashvili, overrode the Army and made Clark the Supreme Allied Commander Europe in 1997.

Conflicts

But from the start, Clark crossed swords with the next chairman, Gen. Hugh Shelton, and then-Defense Secretary William Cohen. Clark wrote about their conflicts in his first book, Waging Modern War, published after his retirement in 2000.

Much of this involved the run-up to war with Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic to stop ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, with Clark maintaining that NATO forces must plan for and execute a ground war if necessary.

"The Pentagon wanted success . . . but sought to keep the mission as limited and as risk-free as possible," Clark wrote. "Secretary Cohen wasn't comfortable with my making the kind of statement that I believed was required to warn off Milosevic and his thugs. . . . These were differences that would bedevil my command."

Clark, concerned that bombing was not working, pressed for low-flying assaults with Apache helicopters. This could have meant American casualties.

Clark's insistence on a riskier strategy and his direct dealings with White House staff, angering Pentagon leaders, came back to haunt him after winning the air war in June 2000. The next month, Shelton removed him from NATO's command.

Shelton, also retired, has made his dislike for Clark publicly known. Shelton spoke at a public forum covered by the Los Altos Town Crier in California:

"I will tell you the reason he came out of Europe early had to do with integrity and character issues, things that are very near and dear to my heart. I'm not going to say whether I'm a Republican or a Democrat. I'll just say Wes won't get my vote."

Clark replies: "Well, he never said anything like that to me when we were working together. . . . The basic thing is, I was always the kind of military guy, I told the boss what I thought. . . . Some people probably took it personally."

Observers say Clark's conflicts are part of the military's own politics.

"Anyone who can command NATO . . . knows what it's like to hold political office," says Sen. Tom Harkin, D-Iowa.

GOP voting record

Clark's first mission is convincing Democrats he is one of them. Clark has voted for Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and even George H.W. Bush. His vote for president turned Democratic with Bill Clinton, and later Al Gore.

He didn't register as a Democrat until Oct. 3, nonpartisan before that.

In this campaign, Clark has confronted the obstacles of unfamiliar territory. He has agreed to repay colleges and other hosts that paid him to speak since becoming a candidate, for fear of violating finance laws. He lost his first manager when a cluster of advisers drawn mostly from Clinton's team promoted their own choice.

Retired Army Maj. Jeff Showers, an instructor in military science at Drake University, has welcomed Clark twice in Iowa -- once when the university conferred an honorary degree, and then the day Clark returned to town as a candidate.

"There's going to be a lot of controversy about him running for president," Showers says. "But most military people have an end-state in mind. They know where they want to get us, and they have a plan. I think he can get us there."

Mark Silva can be reached at msilva@orlandosentinel.com or 407-420-5034.

Copyright © 2003, Orlando Sentinel



To: American Spirit who wrote (583)10/16/2003 8:05:45 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1414
 
Is Clark the New Establishment Choice?

demwatch.blogspot.com

Is Clark the New Establishment Choice?

... and if so, is that necessarily a bad thing?

My recently departed (and sorely missed) Uncle Warren liked to talk about "the establishment." It's probably a function of the era he came up in, but it was endlessly funny either way. After all, he referred to my Aunt Pat as "the establishment" because she didn't agree with his glowing approval of Michael Moore's Oscar speech.

But he was certainly on to something. Look at the way the media uniformly blasted Moore for the speech. Or the way Clinton was uniformly blasted for the Lewinsky scandal. Or the way Gore was constantly referred to as a liar. Or the way Schwarzenegger pretty much got a free pass for his past sexual dalliances. Or... you get the point. When "the establishment" makes up their minds about something, there's no stopping them.

So has "the establishment" made up their minds about Wesley Clark? Let's check out the evidence.

One of my favorite papers to bash, The Wall Street Journal, gave Harold Bloom space on its editorial page today to extol the virtues of a Clark Presidency. To make a long story short, whether we like it or not, the United States is an empire. Even worse, we're an empire locked in a long-term war against an ambiguous, ideologically driven enemy. Historically, that's a sure sign that the empire is about to fall apart. As such, the American empire would do well to elect General Clark its next President. He's uniquely positioned to both wage the war as needed and--due to his history protecting Islamic interests in Europe--reach out to moderate Muslims who might otherwise be pushed to support groups like al Qaeda by the Bush administration's belligerent Middle Eastern policies. Bloom also notes that in terms of realpolitik, Clark's electable whereas guys like Dean and Kerry are not.

Meanwhile, over on the front page of USA Today, Jill Lawrence reports on a campaign that has "hit its stride." The candidate Clark seems to be a natural, from connecting with voters to kissing babies. Literally.

Wesley Clark seems to be stepping into the spotlight in the midst of a political perfect storm. Kerry's losing ground to Dean, Dean seems to have peaked too early, Lieberman's not popular with early primary state voters, Edwards can't seem to get his head above water, Gephardt's got support from labor and congressmen but not many others, and the others are MIA in the polls. He's the archetypal Man In White, riding in to save the town from the nefarious Dubya.

And now "the establishment" seems to be picking up the story. Clark will do well to nurture the story and try to keep it out there as long as possible. Because as Howard Dean has showed us, nothing is permanent in this primary race.

--------------------

Oh yeah, amidst all of this talk of Clark the racehorse, it would be unfair of me to miss covering some (gasp!) actual policy. Today in New York City, General Clark laid out his plans for a military-style (albeit non-military) national service program. Volunteers would sign up for the program according to their areas of expertise and skills. They would be committed to the civilian reserve for five years and would be called up by the Department of Homeland Security if they were needed at home or abroad (according to their stated preference). In cases of national emergency, international crisis, or natural disaster, reservists would be called to duty for a period not to exceed six months in five years. The cost estimate is $100 million per year, paid for by his partial repeal of the Bush tax cuts.

He's not the first candidate to propose a national service program (see also: John Kerry), but the Clark plan is certainly the most ambitious... and possibly the most realistic. Kerry's plan is more akin to a civilian version of ROTC, whereas Clark's plan seems to be modeled after the National Guard. Dick Gephardt has a plan similar to Kerry's, though it's limited to just teachers. Still, anything is better than Team W tearing apart AmeriCorps.

posted by Scott | 10/14/2003 | E-Mail DemWatch