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To: Rascal who wrote (12078)10/13/2003 8:45:31 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793914
 
Still clasping your hands and sighing?
_________________________________________________________

Clark's rise in military impressed and rankled observers
By DEIRDRE SHESGREEN - ST LOUIS POST DISPATCH

Some called him brilliant,
while others say he grated
on people, was too ambitious

ND P HILIP D INE
Post-Dispatch Washington Bureau WASHINGTON - Wesley Clark, the
retired general who wants to be president, has captured the imagination of many
Democrats who oppose the war in Iraq and exult at the prospect of a military
hero carrying their message.

That yearning has helped boost the political neophyte, a latecomer to the
Democratic primary campaign, to the top of several polls.

Yet Clark's impressive, 34-year military career - first in his class at West
Point, decorated Vietnam veteran, supreme allied commander of NATO - has
garnered criticism as well as commendations.

After prosecuting NATO's first war by uniting its 19 countries and defeating
the Yugoslav Army with no alliance casualties, the four-star general had
ruffled enough feathers at the Pentagon that his career abruptly ended.

The views of two men who met Clark in the fall of 1965, as he began his senior
year at West Point, and who have followed his activities since reflect the
divergent views of his career.

Retired Army Col. Bill Taylor was Clark's debate coach at West Point,
became a close friend, and has since informally advised him at key moments.

"Wes could not possibly be a better leader," Taylor said. "I really respect Wes
in a very special way for his brilliance. But he's also a man of real character
and high personal values."

Any problem Clark had with higher-ups in the Pentagon was due to "professional
jealousy" by officials who had trouble with a highly intelligent man who made
his case with solid evidence and debated vigorously, Taylor said.

Gregory Davis met Clark briefly while visiting friends at West Point. Davis
went on to serve 23 years in the military; he was often attached to the Central
Intelligence Agency and the Defense Intelligence Agency. He now runs a
counterterrorism software firm in Reston, Va., and has watched Clark's career
from a distance as well as through friends who worked for Clark.

Davis likens Clark to "a popinjay - a bird kind of like a peacock which struts
about." He says Clark's foray into politics suits him, because "he was known
pretty much as a political animal in the military. He punched all the tickets,
got all the right support."

Overall, the perceptions of Clark by military officers tend to coalesce around
these points: A smart, brave soldier and an extremely capable commander who was
unafraid to challenge higher authorities; someone who could grate on people,
didn't necessarily like having his own views challenged and was personally
ambitious.

Meanwhile, Clark's outsider status, which helped spark the intense interest in
his candidacy, has led to problems. Last week his campaign manager quit,
accusing Clark of ignoring activists who led the effort to draft him into the
race, and campaign finance experts said Clark may have violated election laws
by giving paid speeches - something Clark denies.

"I just think we're going through some natural growing pains," said his
campaign spokeswoman, Mary Jacoby. "It's only been a little over three weeks,
he's not a career politician and it's taking place under a spotlight. Most
campaigns have the luxury of starting slow."

The day after announcing his bid, Clark said he "probably" would have voted for
the congressional resolution giving President George W. Bush authority to
strike Iraq. The next day he reversed himself, saying he "never" would have
voted for it.

That, combined with his meteoric rise in the polls, led other Democratic
hopefuls to pile on Clark at Thursday's debate in Phoenix. Sen. Joseph
Lieberman, D-Conn., said he was "very disappointed" in Clark for allegedly
shifting his position on the war. Clark retorted that it was "embarrassing"
that his attackers couldn't get their facts straight.

This is a new world for him, Clark acknowledged in an interview, one he hadn't
considered entering before retiring in 2000 and returning to Little Rock, Ark.
At that time, "My wife said, 'You don't know anything about partisan politics.
You don't understand it,'" said Clark, 58, a trim man with silver hair.

Swimming upstream

Born in Chicago, Clark was 3 when his father, Benjamin Kanne, a lawyer, died.
His mother, Veneta, moved to her native Little Rock, where they lived in her
parents' home. She married Victor Clark, a small businessman.

Dinner-table talk rarely turned to politics, Clark said. "Hunting, fishing and
banking" were the main topics, as his stepfather was an "avid outdoorsman."

Clark excelled academically and in swimming in high school. During the state
championship in his senior year, 1961-62, a team member was sick. Clark
prevailed upon officials to let him swim two legs of the relay - and his team
won the championship.

"The guy, when he starts doing something, is exhaustively focused on achieving
the mission," said retired Gen. Barry McCaffrey, who has known Clark since the
two taught at West Point decades ago. He preceded Clark as commander of U.S.
Southern Command.

Clark's mother was a Methodist but he grew up as a Baptist, because he wanted
to attend "the beautiful church with the big stained-glass window," Jacoby
said. He converted to Catholicism while serving in Vietnam, drawn by the
"structure of the church and the beauty and structure of the Mass," Jacoby
said.

What his mother kept secret from him was that his father was Jewish.

Not only was anti-Semitism rampant during the early 1950s, Jacoby said, his
mother realized her son "had so much heartbreak already, he was a new kid in
Little Rock, he was a Yankee, he was adjusting to all sorts of new things."

But once Clark found out, Jacoby said, "he sought out his Jewish family in
Chicago. He was pretty curious."

A Rhodes scholar, Clark got a master's degree from Oxford University. He rose
steadily through Army ranks over the next three decades, winning plaudits for
creating a combined services training system in the 1980s, and later directing
strategic plans worldwide for the Joint Chiefs of Staff in the mid-1990s and
heading the Southern Command.

Yet, after leading Operation Allied Force to victory against the Serbs in his
NATO post, his career faltered. Some military observers questioned his response
when Russia sent armored personnel carriers to the airport of Kosovo's capital
just after the war ended. Clark ordered a British general to block the runway,
but the man refused, declaring, "Sir, I'm not starting World War III for you."

Retired Maj. Gen. David Grange, who commanded the 1st Infantry Division, said
both men overreacted. "I think they both probably got a little more excited
than either one of them needed to," he said.

"Because he is so smart, he's thinking ahead two or three phases beyond the
issue," Grange added. "When you're dealing with foreign officers, sometimes
you've got to slow down so they can buy into it. He just rubbed people the
wrong way at times because he appeared like he didn't want to hear their
opinions."

The tension with Washington stemmed partly from the failure of bureaucrats to
give Clark resources he needed as the commander on the scene, Grange said.

During and after the conflict there was friction between Clark and his
superiors, Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Hugh Shelton and Defense
Secretary William Cohen, apparently over Clark's high-profile persona and his
willingness to challenge them.

The result was that Clark was eased out of his NATO command three months early
by Pentagon officials to make way for a successor, forcing his retirement.

Last month, Shelton was asked about Clark during a California appearance.

"I will tell you the reason he came out of Europe early had to do with
integrity and character issues, things that are very near and dear to my
heart," Shelton said, declining to elaborate.

At the root of this conflict, Taylor said, was jealousy of a "superstar" by
Clark's superiors at the Pentagon. "Shelton and Cohen didn't like Wes being
direct with them, arguing his case," Taylor said. "They wanted someone they
could tell what to do."

After returning to Little Rock, Clark worked as an investment banker and
consultant, was a CNN commentator and wrote two books.

"Waging Modern War" is an account of the campaign in Kosovo and a call for
limited, carefully restrained efforts to nip problems in the bud. "Winning
Modern Wars," published this month, is Clark's critique of the Iraqi war
effort.

Skillful or opportunistic

Retired Joint Chiefs of Staff [JU]
Chairman Gen. John Shalikashvili promoted Clark several times. "He did truly a
superb job," Shalikashvili said. "Clearly, you don't become the fast-rising
star that Wes has been most of his life if you're sort of a milquetoast. He's
clearly brilliant, but that doesn't mean he can't be abrasive at times, that he
can't be overly ambitious at times."

Michael Vickers, director of strategic studies at the Center for Strategic and
Budgetary Assessments, is a former special forces officer who developed future
warfare plans for the Pentagon.

"He is unquestionably intelligent and a quick study, but that doesn't mean that
he always has the best strategic or operational judgment," Vickers said. While
Clark was a "better-than-average" commander of NATO, "There's not a lot of
evidence that he's a bold thinker or a real innovator."

Tim Lomperis, chairman of St. Louis University's political science department
and a former military intelligence officer, is an expert on the intersection
between politics and the military.

He described Clark "as one of those political generals, known to have angled
and tried to manipulate forces toward his assignments. You're not supposed to
be overt in jockeying for these top positions, these major commands."

Clark's stellar military record should have positioned him to head the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, but a reputation for self-promotion hurt, Lomperis said.
"Instead, he was decidedly snubbed."

Presidential politics

Clark's status as a newcomer to the process and to the Democratic Party - he
declared his party affiliation only recently - has provided openings for his
rivals. He says he voted for Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan.

At a Democratic National Committee meeting in Washington on Oct. 3, Clark tried
to establish his Democratic bona fides, saying he was pro-choice,
pro-affirmative action, pro-environment, pro-education, pro-health care and
pro-labor.

His campaign has been light so far on specifics. When asked in the interview
what he meant by saying he's pro-health care, he discussed preventive medicine
but didn't mention how that might translate into policy.

Addressing the Military Reporters and Editors annual convention Oct. 3 in
Virginia, Clark suggested the administration's prewar handling of intelligence
on Iraq might have been criminal. Asked by a Post-Dispatch reporter to
elaborate, Clark said only that any attempt to deceive the public is "a very
serious matter."

Jacoby said later, "Gen. Clark has called for an independent commission to
investigate the Bush administration's handling of intelligence. We should let
that commission handle these questions."
stltoday.com



To: Rascal who wrote (12078)10/14/2003 6:08:26 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793914
 
Ready to "Bark for Clark?"
______________________________

Wesley Clark's fledgling campaign hits its stride After initial slip-ups, former general finds a rhythm in run for president
By Jill Lawrence
USA TODAY

DES MOINES -- Wesley Clark used to run wars. Now, with the same persistence that propelled him to the rank of four-star general and supreme commander of NATO, he is prospecting for support, one vote at a time, in the nooks and crannies of early presidential primary states.

''I need you,'' Clark told a table of Drake University law students at the Drake Diner.

''I like the way he looks on paper,'' student Stephanie Nielsen said later. ''Maybe.''

There's no denying the appeal of Clark's star-spangled résumé. After just one month as a politician, the investment banker and CNN commentator from Little Rock has emerged as a strong competitor. Not only has he jumped ahead of his rivals in some polls and raised an impressive amount of money, he is also proving a capable campaigner. But Clark's campaign, unlike those of his well-established rivals, is still very much a start-up.

In week one, he gave conflicting statements on how he would have voted last October on the resolution authorizing force against Iraq. In week two, Democrats learned that he was still a registered lobbyist but not yet a registered Democrat. In week three, he tried out his third traveling press aide, his campaign manager quit and the Washington Post wondered whether he was violating federal election law by giving paid speeches. At the same point, the campaign had few senior aides, no field staff, one domestic policy proposal and no official strategy for winning the nomination.

By week four, however, computers and new aides were trickling in. Clark announced a senior staff, a series of four major speeches starting today, and an official theme: New American Patriotism. He returned money from speeches that he'd given while a candidate and canceled future engagements. And, in a sign that he's viewed as a threat, his rivals ganged up on him in a debate last Thursday night.

Allan Lichtman, a political historian at American University, said the fledgling Clark campaign already has been through an ''early glow of adulation'' and a phase of heavy criticism. ''In phase three we'll see if he can withstand the white heat of a presidential campaign,'' he said.

Can Clark pull this off? It's not out of the question.

Relentless salesmanship

Despite months of campaigning, no Democrat has emerged as a prohibitive front-runner the way George W. Bush did in 1999. Now comes Clark, with his strong credentials, his opposition to the Iraq war, his TV communication skills, his self-confidence and -- not least -- his relentless salesmanship.

Last week, he discovered that Iowans are masters of the polite brush-off. ''I need your support,'' he confided on diner crawls in Fort Dodge and Des Moines. ''Nice to meet you,'' they replied, and ''Good luck to you,'' and ''Time will tell,'' and ''We'll give you some consideration.''

Some of these people were firmly committed to a rival or could not participate Jan. 19 in Democratic caucuses because they were Republicans. But none of that dissuaded Clark, who just kept on peppering them with questions such as, ''What would it take for me to get your support?''

To hear Clark tell it, he is a reluctant candidate drawn in by an Internet-based draft movement and pleas from party insiders and donors. He says he didn't make a decision on the race until a month ago, in part for personal reasons. His family was engulfed in preparations for his son's wedding last summer, and he didn't finish writing a book about terrorism and Iraq until Sept. 5.

But there was also this: He wanted to wait until ''the people who had dreamed about this all their lives, and prepared their organizations, and really had a right to do this, and the expectation of doing it,'' took their best shot. ''To be honest with you, I deferred to those people and wanted them to go out first and have an opportunity without my entering the race,'' Clark said in an interview. ''I was hoping that they would be very, very successful.''

As the field remained undefined, Clark says the pressure on him built. ''There was more than an opening,'' he said. ''There was a demand.''

Political black hole

Most candidates have long paper trails of votes and positions, and they are familiar personalities in their states and parties. Even Sen. John Edwards, D-N.C., the novice of the field until Clark entered, has spent nearly five years in the Senate and had a well-documented legal career before that.

Clark's 34 years in the military amount to a political black hole. He voted for, and served, commanders in chief of both parties. He didn't take public positions on social issues. He did run the 1999 war in Kosovo, but it was a small, short war, and his superiors kept him off TV. If the public knows him at all, it's as a CNN military analyst during the Iraq war.

Even so, there is a surge of interest in Clark. Democrats are not disappointed when they hear him in person. Many come away impressed, if not committed. A recurrent theme: Maybe this guy could beat Bush.

Rick Mullings, an official with Local 514 of the Transportation Workers Union in Tulsa, introduced Clark this way to nearly 200 people at the union hall: ''While some folks dress up in military flight suits for photo ops, General Clark is the real thing.''

Clark told them unions are necessary to ''protect the working man'' in the profit-oriented business world. He praised the local for accepting a pay cut to keep American Airlines solvent. ''When I'm president, I wanna get you those wages back,'' he said.

Duane Wittman, 40, a mechanic who served in the Persian Gulf during Desert Storm in 1990-91, said Clark's stand on labor issues was ''better than I expected,'' and his military background appealed on two levels: because Wittman is a fellow vet and because ''I have to think, too, of who's going to be the best candidate for our party'' at a time when ''the American people still feel insecure about the world.''

Clark sometimes confronts questions about whether he is ''a Republican in disguise.'' But his anti-Bush rhetoric is as sharp as any Democrat since birth. Bush will need ''brothers in the 49 other states'' to win in 2004, he says to cheers every time. And ''if conservatives were compassionate, they wouldn't have to put the adjective in front of it.''

Not surprisingly, Clark is detailed when he talks about national security and foreign policy. But for now, he is skating on the surface of domestic issues that other candidates have been steeped in for years, such as education and health care. His customary answer to many questions is ''more resources are needed,'' details to come.

Domestic proposal: Repeal tax cuts for wealthy

His one domestic proposal so far is to repeal $100 billion in the president's tax cuts for people making more than $200,000 and to create jobs by using that money for homeland security and other needs. He also says he would like to see all death-row cases reviewed; labor and environmental standards on all future trade agreements; and higher charges abroad for prescription drugs developed by U.S. companies to lower prices here.

Clark echoes his rivals' critiques of Bush's tax cuts and sounds much like Democratic presidential candidate Howard Dean in his blistering judgment that Bush led the nation into an unnecessary war over a non-imminent threat. He even borrows their words -- most notably telling voters that ''we want to take this country back,'' a standard Dean applause line.

The difference is that he's Clark. He's bullet-proof on war and peace (no other candidate can make casual remarks like, ''I was one of the guys in charge of bombing Saddam Hussein'' to enforce a no-fly-zone after the first Gulf War).

And he's got a political style that makes some Democrats salivate over his chances against Bush.

Addressing voters last week in Arkansas, Iowa and Oklahoma, Clark underscored his points with quips. He described his wife, Gert, as ''the general's general,'' joked about the ''unmentionable'' thing doctors do to you after you turn 50 and had people laughing about his -- and their -- stock market losses to hammer home the point that relying on the stock market is no substitute for Social Security.

At Coney's 'N' More Café in Fort Dodge, Iowa, Clark offered a table of veterans a matter-of-fact account of his Vietnam experience.

''I made it for seven weeks and then I came home on a stretcher,'' he said. ''It's not the best way to come home. But I was lucky -- took four rounds and I got one Purple Heart. . . . I got three rounds in one burst. I think I got hit in the rear end as I was crawling away. They shot my rifle out of my hand.''

The military formed Clark and infuses his campaign rhetoric in at least two ways that run counter to stereotypes of the armed forces.

One point he makes repeatedly is that a leader's job is to care about and take care of people -- not just on battlefields but in homes, schools and neighborhoods. In Clark's case that included making sure troops living with their families had time off to go to parent-teacher conferences.

''I spent my life looking after ordinary soldiers and their families,'' Clark said at a town hall in Fort Dodge. ''It wasn't only about the mission -- it was about taking care of the troops,'' he added in Tulsa.

The other theme Clark carries with him, in a tacit skewering of Bush administration officials who complain about criticism, is the patriotism of speaking your mind. ''Democracy's about dialogue, it's about discussion, it's about disagreement, it's about dissension,'' he told some 400 hometown boosters in Little Rock. ''Don't let anybody tell you that people who disagree are unpatriotic.''

Clark exercised his right to dissent throughout his service in a supremely hierarchical institution.

He's famous -- and controversial within the military -- for expressing strong views that contributed both to his rise and the awkward end of his career in 1999. Tensions between Clark and former Defense secretary William Cohen culminated when Cohen named a successor three months before Clark was scheduled to step down as NATO commander.

''I was always the kind of officer who spoke out and said what he believed was right, not what the boss wanted to hear,'' Clark said in an interview. ''I fought to have my professional opinions advanced and adopted as United States policy, and some people took it personally. They shouldn't have. But they did.''

Clark, lead military negotiator for the 1995 talks that led to peace in Bosnia, says years of dealing with heads of state, foreign affairs ministers and defense chiefs have prepared him for the presidency.

Iowa Sen. Tom Harkin, introducing Clark at the Fort Dodge town hall, said his military career was a good training ground for electoral politics. ''Anyone who can command NATO and keep all of those forces together and win that war (in Kosovo) without losing one American life knows what it means to hold political office,'' he said.

At the most basic level of the profession, Clark is proving himself a natural. This was apparent from the moment he bounded into Drake's Diner and found a toddler at the first booth. ''Do we do baby kisses?'' he asked. He didn't wait for an answer, just picked up the little boy and kissed his cheek.

Later, asked what has surprised him most about politics, Clark answered without hesitation.

''The joy of just going out and meeting people,'' he said, and broke into a wide grin. ''I just love it.'' Cover storyCover story
usatoday.com



To: Rascal who wrote (12078)10/22/2003 7:00:57 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793914
 
LOVE FEST
by Adam B. Kushner

Candidate: Wesley Clark
Category: General Likeability
Grade: D

I always thought the complaints about Wesley Clark's self-confidence--his arrogance, even--were unfair. Critics wondered whether or not he could get along with other people and run a vast administration. They said he was insubordinate. But the criticism always seemed wrong-headed: When you're the boss, there's nothing wrong with giving orders. The leader of the free world, no matter how impetuous, doesn't have any frustrated superiors. But Clark has squandered my benefit of the doubt. Jabbing back at his detractors, he commented to The Washington Post:

How do you think I could have succeeded in the military if everybody didn't like me? It's impossible... Do you realize I was the first person promoted to full colonel in my entire year group of 2,000 officers? I was the only one selected. Do you realize that? ... Do you realize I was the only one of my West Point class picked to command a brigade when I was picked? ... I was the first person picked for brigadier general. You have to balance this out. ... A lot of people love me.

Clark is responding, of course, to charges that his own hot-headedness is what got him fired from his post as the NATO honcho. Several former officials have attested to this fact, and his willful inability to recognize that he might actually have a character flaw is not heartening. There's no reason to think a candidate would openly expose his own shortcomings to a reporter, but this is characteristic of the way Clark's critics describe him: self-assured to the point of delusion.

Yes, Clark's record is impressive. Even his harshest critics must admit that much. But are we beginning to see a picture of a man who realized his greatest achievements in spite of his personality, not because of it?

tnr.com