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To: JohnM who wrote (12175)10/13/2003 9:29:33 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793622
 
What is also open and evolving is the overarching structure and organizing philosophy of the campaign.

I hope more details emerge on exactly what they are doing.



To: JohnM who wrote (12175)10/13/2003 9:32:42 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793622
 
Hey, we are starting to get some "Ad Watch" articles. I have been waiting for them.
___________________________________


AD WATCHERS
Edwards milks Southern charm
By Joanna Weiss, Boston Globe Correspondent, 10/12/2003

Senator John Edwards is a personable guy, a man of the people despite his wealth, and good in front of a crowd. So it stands to reason that his television ads would try to capitalize on his charms.

Last week, the Edwards campaign released "Values," a 30-second spot running in the early-voting states of Iowa, New Hampshire, and South Carolina. Set in a small-town cafe somewhere in America (hint: Old Glory hanging in the window), it's a verite-style glimpse of Edwards in his shirt sleeves, addressing a crowd of regular folks. Edwards challenges President Bush's tax-cut plan -- "This president says he wants a values debate. We ought to give him a values debate." -- while touting his intention to provide health insurance for every child in the United States.

No details on the health plan are given. Just a reference to Edwards's website, some dramatic, soaring music suited for movies on Lifetime, and approval from the regular folks, who nod as Edwards speaks and applaud when he finishes.

The good news for Edwards: Jamieson Scott thinks he's smooth. He's 21, a southern New Hampshire native, and a junior at the University of New Hampshire studying political science and environmental conservation. He's impressed with the North Carolina senator's Dixie-bred charisma, and the way it comes across on the small screen.

Not everything in the spot rings true, Scott said. Edwards's reference to "innocent children" feels like "a little bit too much of a playing of my strings." The close-ups of voters just happen to represent "each key demographic of his electorate." The triumph: Edwards manages to take a direct knock at Bush, but does it gently, "without the sour aftertaste many associate with [Howard] Dean."

There are people in New Hampshire, Scott said, who aren't interested in a bulldog.

Kathleen Hall Jamieson, director of the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania, agrees that the ad helps solidify Edwards's image. His language is consistent with his message on the stump and in debates. For once, he doesn't mention that he's the son of a millworker.

But she wonders if the ad is timed well enough to accomplish what Edwards badly needs: a media buzz. "Edwards is in crisis at this point," Jamieson said. "The purpose of this ad is straightforward: He's trying to push up his poll numbers."

To that end, she said: "Any ad that is an attack on George Bush is more newsworthy than any ad that doesn't attack George Bush."

But launching your ad the day after California voters ousted their governor and elected Arnold Schwarzenegger? Perhaps unwise. The press, she said, was a little distracted last week.

JOANNA WEISS

boston.com



To: JohnM who wrote (12175)10/14/2003 6:21:58 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793622
 
Better not bring up "Free Trade" in South Carolina!
___________________________________

South Carolina Shakeout
For Democratic Presidential contenders, the future may be decided there
"Business Week"

If Democrats are "running scared" in conservative South Carolina, as retiring Senator Ernest F. "Fritz" Hollings declared this summer, you wouldn't know it from the number of Presidential candidates popping up here.

Senator John F. Kerry announced his candidacy in Charleston. Senator John Edwards dropped in just hours after he officially threw his hat into the ring. Former General Wesley K. Clark made the Citadel, the famed military academy in Charleston, the second stop of his Presidential tour. And Al Sharpton has been there so often that one minister chuckled that the preacher from New York seemed ready to open a church.

Why are all these candidates wooing voters in one of the most Republican-leaning electoral states in the country? The short answer is: They have to. Timing and an unusual cross-section of voters make South Carolina one of the hottest contests on the Democratic political calendar. Primary voters go to the polls on Feb. 3, just after the bellwether showdowns in Iowa and New Hampshire. That means candidates who come up short in those two early races could shore up their standing with a comeback in the Palmetto State -- and try to stop a potential breakout by former Vermont Governor Howard Dean.

THE JOBS FACTOR. Six other states are voting on Feb. 3 -- Arizona, Delaware, Missouri, New Mexico, North Dakota, and Oklahoma. But South Carolina's voter demographic has attracted more attention. It is the first contest where African Americans -- a key element of the Democratic base -- will make up a sizable chunk of the electorate. At the same time, the primary is open to both Republicans and Democrats, so moderate-to-conservative whites will be represented as well. That could be crucial if the many military retirees and other veterans in the state turn out for Clark, the former four-star general.

And there is a third component that makes the state a litmus test: South Carolina has been slammed by the jobless recovery, with some 46,000 manufacturing jobs disappearing since George W. Bush -- who broke the Republican insurgency of Senator John McCain here in 2000 -- became President.

Surveying this unusual mix of issues and demographics, most top Democratic hopefuls see a way to win the state. And for some, a win will be essential if they're to remain viable. "Every campaign is in a position where they've either gotta win it or they have to work really hard because they might gotta win," says Dean campaign manager Joe Trippi.

That's particularly true for Edwards, the front-runner in the state, with 16% support, according to a Sept. 24-29 American Research Group poll. The freshman senator -- who likes to remind South Carolinians he was born here -- is running TV spots almost daily but is far from having the race sewn up: Nearly half of voters say they're undecided.

That could create an opening for Clark. His Arkansas roots and military record could be a powerful draw for some of the 450,000 veterans and active military personnel in South Carolina. Kerry is banking that his war record can appeal to them, too. And if Kerry loses New Hampshire to Dean, a strong showing in Dixie might be imperative.

A POPULIST CHORD. For Sharpton, a long-shot candidate at best, South Carolina's large turnout by African Americans -- who account for perhaps half of primary voters -- gives him his best opportunity to amass delegate support and clout at next July's Democratic convention. Former House Minority Leader Dick Gephardt thinks his economic populism and protectionist rhetoric will strike a chord with laid-off textile workers.

And Senator Joe Lieberman is hoping his centrist message will play well with white moderates. He also will try to exploit his appeal to blacks who still regard the Florida recount of 2000 as a willful disenfranchisement of their community and to churchgoing African Americans who appreciate his closely held religious beliefs. Playing the religious card does invite awkward moments, though. While he was attending Sunday services at the Morris Brown African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston last May, Lieberman, an Orthodox Jew, was asked repeatedly by the leader of the gospel choir if he loved Jesus. The Senator just kept swaying to the music.

Dean appeared at the same church on Oct. 3 as part of a national "Generation Dean" tour. The plain-talking pol raised eyebrows when he said in February that he would campaign among Confederate-flag-waving, pickup-driving Southerners because their dire economic conditions made them natural targets for the Democratic message. In Charleston and at the church, he delivered a toned-down version of that line. "South Carolina has voted Republican for 30 years," he shouted. "Tell me what you have to show for it."

Even some of Dean's ardent supporters were skeptical about how that would fly with most South Carolinians. "I don't know if they'll take too kindly to it," chortled Charlie Gaddy of Rock Hill, who with his wife drove three hours to see Dean. "But the economy is so bad that maybe people will at least listen."

True, says Emory University political scientist Merle Black, they may listen, but South Carolina voters are unlikely to flock to Dean. "If [he] wins Iowa and New Hampshire, I think South Carolina could be a place for another candidate to emerge," says Black. Naturally, almost all of Dean's rivals are spinning fantasies about who that person might be.

By Alexandra Starr in Charleston, S.C.
businessweek.com:/print/magazine/content/03_42/b3854110.htm?mz



To: JohnM who wrote (12175)10/21/2003 3:49:28 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793622
 
Big news in Pressland. Highly respected Mid-East reporter. I am sure the Post offered her a column at the level of Friedman's.
_________________________________________

Wright bails on LAT
Following some weeks of high-level negotiation, Robin Wright, the long-time L.A. Times reporter on international terrorism, has jumped to the Washington Post. Washington bureau chief Doyle McManus announced her departure in a memo to the staff.

After 15 years of brilliant journalism at the Los Angeles Times, Robin Wright has opted for the calmer and less-dramatic life of a beat reporter at The Washington Post.
We are sorry to see her go -- and I say that as one who has had the special privilege of working closely with Robin as a colleague, coauthor, editor and semi-boss during her entire tenure here.

She's had a pretty sweet, mostly hands-off deal at the Times, but apparently wanted more. Even possibly an op-ed column, like Thomas Friedman at the New York Times.
laobserved.com



To: JohnM who wrote (12175)10/21/2003 4:33:07 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793622
 
Another article in my ongoing quest to chronicle the progress of the New York City School system. Stern is a good source. It is beginning to read like "The Road to disaster."
___________________________________

$40 MILLION GOOF

By SOL STERN - NEW YORK POST

October 20, 2003 -- MAYOR Bloomberg and Schools Chancellor Joel Klein are on course to lose $40 million a year in federal funds for New York's schools because the new reading curriculum doesn't meet national standards.
The curriculum totally disregards the scientific evidence on the most effective teaching methods - particularly in the critically important area of early reading.

Recent advances in the scientific understanding of how children learn to read - based on a remarkable convergence of evidence in experimental psychology, linguistics, and medical research - make it possible to design truly effective instructional programs to raise reading levels in the early grades.

Both the 1998 National Academy of Sciences report and the 2000 National Reading Panel's even more comprehensive report concluded that systematic phonics instruction was the most effective approach. Last year, the American Psychological Association agreed.

And Dr. Reid Lyon, chief of the National Institutes of Health's Child Development and Behavior Branch has told Congress time and again that the results of his agency's studies argue for the use of explicit phonics programs in the early grades.

This accumulating evidence helped move Congress to vote by overwhelming bipartisan majority in 1998 and again in 2001, that federal reading funds will go only to school districts that use instructional approaches based on scientifically validated research.

So why is New York City choosing otherwise? Deeply entrenched ideological and political interests.



Progressive educators (of whom New York has more than its share) shudder at the thought that science confers validity on the practice of teaching young children to read through scripted lessons in letter/sound correspondence - that is, phonics. And Bloomberg and Klein put the key decision in the hand of a progressive - Diana Lam, the deputy chancellor for Teaching and Learning.

When the Department of Education announced its choice of a citywide K-3 reading program called "Month by Month Phonics" in February, it was clear that this was Diana Lam's baby. It was also a perfect illustration of how truly you can't tell a book by its cover.

Though the word "phonics" appears in the title, the slim workbook contains none of the systematic instruction in how to break words into letter/sound correspondence required by the new federal standards. Instead, it offers some unconnected shreds of phonics activities in a program that otherwise matches progressive dogma - which is why it met with enthusiastic support from New York's phonics-hating progressive educators.

The progressives were also happy that Lam had ditched a true scripted phonics program, "Success for All," that was in use (with promising results) in some of the city's lowest-performing schools.

By giving the appearance of using some phonics, Lam disarmed parents and officials who have been pressuring the schools for better reading instruction. But alarm bells went off among the scientific consultants who had helped frame the new federal reading requirements.

The experts realized that if the nation's largest school district could pick a reading program so far from meeting the standard of "scientifically based research" - while abandoning Success for All, which did meet the standard - then the message about the new reading standards was not getting through.

Over the past six months, federal and state experts (including Reid Lyon of the NIH) have delivered that message, many times over. But New York has yet to budge.

In a Feb. 4 letter to Bloomberg, Klein and Lam, seven noted reading specialists, including three who served on the National Reading Panel and several who sit on review committees for implementing the federal standards, said that Month by Month is "woefully inadequate," "lacks the ingredients of a systematic phonics program," "lacks a research base," and "puts beginning readers at risk of failure in learning to read."

That should have ended the matter. The feds would be guilty of malpractice if they were to fund Month by Month Phonics after their own experts warned that it "puts beginning readers at risk of failure." Bloomberg and Klein should have reversed course immediately in the interests of the children, and fired Diana Lam.

Instead, they treated it as a political problem. Lam's friend Lucy Calkins of Teachers College rounded up a posse of 100 ed-school professors (some of whom stand to rake in, collectively, millions of dollars in fees from the Department of Education) to write a counter-letter affirming the merits of Month by Month Phonics.

Bloomberg and Klein also tried to finesse the problem by patching up the K-3 curriculum with a small supplementary phonics program that could be used at the teacher's discretion for up to six children who were struggling with the main program.

But none of this fooled anyone. On Sept. 2, three expert consultants to the State Education Department gave Lam their professional assessment of Month by Month Phonics and the city's entire "Balanced Literacy" curriculum: It does not contain a "core, scientifically based reading program" and does not appear to be systematic or comprehensive. Instead, "the materials seem to reflect a philosophical framework," much of which is "contradictory" to "scientifically based research" on reading instruction. The experts warned that the curriculum would not meet the federal funding requirements.

One of the consultants at the meeting was Sally Shaywitz, a neuroscientist and professor of pediatrics at the Yale Medical School and co-director of the Yale Center for the Study of Learning and Attention who has studied for 30 years how the brain learns to read. "We really do have the scientific knowledge now to ensure that every child becomes a good reader," she told me recently.

Science must eventually win out over ideology, even in New York. Sometime in the next two months, the mayor and chancellor will have to apply to the state education department for the city's share of the federal Reading First funds. It will be a watershed for their administration.

Will they have the courage to admit they made a mistake, correct the reading program, and get rid of Diana Lam? Or will they make a bad situation worse by trying to handle the problem politically and thus inflict further harm on the city's children?

Sol Stern is a contributing editor with the Manhattan Institute's City Journal. From the forthcoming Autumn issue of CJ.
nypost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (12175)10/22/2003 6:53:38 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793622
 
I am beginning to think Krugman's hatred is taking him "round the bend." The ADL got all over him for this column. Now the Taranto deconstructs it.
__________________________________________________


BEST OF THE WEB TODAY

BY JAMES TARANTO
Tuesday, October 21, 2003 3:23 p.m.

An Unraveling Mind
Can former Enron adviser Paul Krugman get any nuttier? We'd have said no, but then we read today's column. Krugman weighs in on last week's anti-Jewish tirade by Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad of Malaysia, and the results boggle the mind.

Krugman begins by characterizing Mahathir's comments as "inexcusable," but then goes on to make excuses for them. "Mr. Mahathir is a cagey politician, who is neither ignorant nor foolish," Krugman explains. The anti-Semitism is "rhetorical red meat" for the rabble, "part of a delicate balancing act aimed at domestic politics." And anyway, it wasn't even the central theme of Mahathir's speech:

Most of it is criticism directed at other Muslims, clerics in particular. Mr. Mahathir castigates "interpreters of Islam who taught that acquisition of knowledge by Muslims meant only the study of Islamic theology." Thanks to these interpreters, "the study of science, medicine, etc. was discouraged. Intellectually the Muslims began to regress." A lot of the speech sounds as if it had been written by Bernard Lewis, author of "What Went Wrong," the best-selling book about the Islamic decline.

If Krugman is right, this is terrific news. The leader of a Muslim country is confronting his fellow Muslim rulers with hard truths, in the manner of Bernard Lewis, no less. But in the twisted mind of Paul Krugman, this is evidence of "how badly things are going for U.S. foreign policy." And of course it's all President Bush's fault:

Not long ago Washington was talking about Malaysia as an important partner in the war on terror. Now Mr. Mahathir thinks that to cover his domestic flank, he must insert hateful words into a speech mainly about Muslim reform. That tells you, more accurately than any poll, just how strong the rising tide of anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism among Muslims in Southeast Asia has become. Thanks to its war in Iraq and its unconditional support for Ariel Sharon, Washington has squandered post-9/11 sympathy and brought relations with the Muslim world to a new low.

So, to summarize Krugman's argument: Normally, when a "cagey" Muslim ruler "castigates" theocratic elements of his society, he feels no need to "protect his domestic flank." If only Saddam Hussein still ruled Iraq and America opposed Israel's efforts to protect its citizens from terrorism, there would be no anti-Semitism in the Islamic world.

"Somewhere in Pakistan," Krugman concludes, "Osama bin Laden must be enjoying this." Bin Laden is a sadistic man indeed if he takes pleasure in watching Krugman's unraveling.

That Cagey Mahathir
In an interview with the Bangkok Post, Mahathir himself echoes Krugman's defense:

"In my speech I condemned all violence, even the suicide bombings, and I told the Muslims it's about time we stopped all these things and paused to think and do something that is much more productive. That was the whole tone of my speech, but they picked up one sentence where I said that the Jews control the world," he told Bangkok Post in an exclusive interview yesterday. . . .

Dr Mahathir added, however, that "the reaction of the world shows that they [Jews] do control the world."

Mahathir adds: "Israel is a small country. There are not many Jews in the world. But they are so arrogant that they defy the whole world. Even if the United Nations say no, they go ahead. Why? Because they have the backing of all these people." This sounds a lot like the familiar criticism of American "unilateralism," and it's further evidence that anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism are slightly different expressions of the same impulse.

Off With Their Tongues!
Is this President Bush's fault too? "A group of clerics and theology students from Iran's clerical centre of Qom have hit out at the Nobel Peace Prize win of women's rights lawyer Shirin Ebadi saying it was part of a Western conspiracy against Islam," reports Middle East Online from Tehran:

In a statement carried by the hardline Jomhuri Eslami newspaper, the group from Qom's main seminary said: "The decision by the Western oppressive societies to award the prize to Ebadi was done in order to ridicule Islam."

The paper did not say how many people signed the statement, which also lamented that a "serious revolutionary confrontation with the tribe of infidels" had not yet taken place.

As for the "infidels," it voiced hope for their "tongues to be cut from their mouths and the poisonous pens broken in their hearts."

Tongue-cutting, meanwhile, turns out to be popular in South Korea, according to Reuters: "Chop about half an inch or so off your tongue and become a fluent English speaker. That is the hope that recently drove one mother to take her six-year-old son for surgery aimed at ridding him of his Korean accent when speaking the language of choice in global business."

A Liberal Fesses Up
After Cleveland Plain Dealer columnist Tom Brazaitis repeated the claim that President Bush had called Iraq an "imminent threat," reader Bruce Batista challenged him. To his credit, Brazaitis backs down. In his Sunday column, he acknowledges that Bush never said anything of the sort. Indeed, in the 2003 State of the Union address, the president said exactly the opposite:

"Some have said we must not act until the threat is imminent. Since when have terrorists and tyrants announced their intentions, politely putting us on notice before they strike? If this threat is permitted to fully and suddenly emerge, all actions, all words, all recriminations would come too late."

Not that Brazaitis isn't as fatuous as ever. Having disavowed the "imminent" canard, he now insists that Saddam "posed no threat at all."

They Were So Moderate Before We Fought Back
"U.N. Report: U.S. War on Terror Radicalizes Arabs"--headline, Reuters, Oct. 20

The Stockholm Syndrome
Bruce Laingen, who was among several dozen Americans held hostage by Muslim moonbats in Iran a generation ago, seems to have developed a sympathy for his erstwhile captors. Here's his letter to the editor of the New York Times:

Your Oct. 16 editorial "The American Prison Camp" cites a comment by officials of the International Committee of the Red Cross who recently visited the roughly 660 detainees at Guantánamo that there is a "worrying deterioration" in their mental condition because of their not knowing what will happen to them, or when.

As someone who was a hostage in Tehran during the hostage crisis there, I can attest to the intensely demoralizing effect of not knowing what was to become of us.

After some 18 months, America's standards of justice are being disgraced by what we are displaying at Guantánamo. It is time for the President to act to see that justice is done.

Apparently Laingen does not understand the difference between a diplomat and an unlawful combatant.

'That Dirty Dog'
"He still doesn't take my advice, that dirty dog," says a critic of the president. This critic, however, doesn't hate the president; she loves him. The comment comes from none other than Barbara Bush, the president's mother. The former first lady also describes the Democratic presidential field as a "sorry group."

He Opposes Both Arnold Schwarzenegger and Gray Davis
"Entry of Film Stars, Eunuchs in Politics Unhealthy: Sharad"--headline, Hindustan Times, Oct. 21.............

opinionjournal.com



To: JohnM who wrote (12175)10/24/2003 1:20:54 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793622
 
"Critical realism rescues us from the postmodernist nightmare and gives us back reality. We need a concept of truth – and science is not just another myth... "
______________________________________________
PHILOSOPHY NOW MAGAZINE

Hot to Get Real

Is Postmodernism finally on its deathbed? Roger Caldwell examines the evidence and takes a look at its would-be successor: Critical Realism.

For the last two decades of the twentieth century the dominant cultural paradigm was that of postmodernism. But at the beginning of the new millennium a new paradigm is on offer. Postmodernism is dead. It is to be succeeded by the age of critical realism. That at least is the promise that José López and Garry Potter hold out as propagandists of the new movement (they edited a collection of essays called After Postmodernism - An Introduction to Critical Realism, published by Continuum in 2001). True, the two movements have much in common in their sheer scope — offering an overall view of science, social science and the arts, and all in the interests of an emancipatory politics. However, although postmodernism made an easy transition from academia to the media, critical realism has shown to date no signs of doing so. From this, however, no adverse inference should be drawn as to the quality of its thought.

The talk of paradigms recalls the term used by Thomas Kuhn in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions: for him long periods of ‘normal science’ were punctuated by crises leading to ‘paradigm shifts’. For Kuhn competing paradigms were incommensurable: they involved looking at the world in radically different ways. Certainly, the world looked at through the eyes of critical realism is vastly different from that seen through the eyes of postmodernism — for a start, there is a single world again — but there is more to the matter than an irrational leap from one view to the other. For critical realism begins with the awareness that the postmodernist project is fatally flawed.

There is the danger of anachronism here. Roy Bhaskar may be regarded as the founding father of critical realism, yet his first book, A Realist Thought of Science appeared in 1975 when postmodernism was still in its infancy. Nevertheless, the central targets of the book, Kuhn and Paul Feyerabend, were undoubtedly (and perhaps unwittingly) forerunners of postmodernism in their questioning of scientific rationality. Of the two it was Kuhn who was the closest to realism — he held that even after a revolution at least part of the previously ‘normal’ science proves to be permanent, and that science offers us our surest example of sound knowledge. Indeed, it is hard to see in what way there could be a growth of scientific knowledge except from a realist stance, however finely nuanced that claim to realism may be.

Feyerabend, acting as a gadfly to all scientific pretensions, held that there was no such thing as the scientific method and saw science as an essentially anarchic enterprise in which ‘anything goes’. The one scarcely follows from the other, however. It is true that there is no single method that marks out science from any other form of rational enquiry but nonetheless there are a range of criteria — such as explanatory scope, predictive power, experimental repeatability, consistency with other well-established theory — that make it a different sort of enterprise to, say, astrology or alchemy. Feyerabend could scarcely have expected that his remark that "science is the myth of today", intended no doubt as a provocation, would so soon become orthodoxy, at least in the Humanities.

If philosophers outside science were led in an anti-realist direction there were also developments within science itself — notably the enigmas of quantum physics — that seemed to go against the normal assumption that there is a single observer-independent reality. The Copenhagen interpretation of quantum physics remains the most popular one but it doesn’t take us very far; it confirms that the equations work but doesn’t provide a physical model to account for their success. Attempts to relate the collapse of the wave function in terms of the ‘real’ world — such as Hugh Everett’s many-worlds model — seem unconvincingly extravagant. Much of science is counterintuitive, but the notion that whole new universes are continually splitting off, for all that it has eloquent defenders, would seem in need of firmer foundations to be persuasive.

Here Christopher Norris (once a prolific writer on postmodernism and now an avowed critical realist), rather than accepting the notion of a universe which is dependent on human observers to exist, attempts to bring quantum physics within the embrace of realism. There are several points to be made here. If no realist model of quantum physics has yet been agreed on, this may be because the science itself is incomplete, or because no one has yet devised a suitable model, or because we have yet to decide between competing models. (I understand that in the last decade realistic models have been devised that don’t demand the extravagance of a ‘many-worlds’ interpretation). Also, even if no agreement has been reached on an interpretation of quantum physics, its capacity for precise physical prediction and the fact that it has given rise to sophisticated technology potently suggest that it has latched on to certain objective underlying features of physical reality. It is further worth pointing out that the particular problems of quantum physics don’t carry over into the rest of physics or into chemistry or biology, much less constitute any kind of general scientific crisis. The existence of stars and planets, of DNA, of human bodies and animal bodies is not thereby put into doubt, nor is the validity of the considerable body of scientific knowledge we have developed about these entities. Whatever problems there may be at the subatomic level do not affect our ability to devise realistic theories of the macroworld.

This excursion into quantum physics is necessary because postmodernists have drawn unwarranted conclusions about a general epistemological crisis from, for example, Heisenberg’s Uncertainty Principle. In fact, as Sokal and Bricmont have shown in Intellectual Impostures (1997) these conclusions are invariably based on a lack of understanding of the relevant science. If postmodernism is indeed dead — the announcement may yet prove premature — then Sokal and Bricmont have surely been instrumental in hastening the death-throes. They show that, scientifically speaking, the postmodernist gurus have feet of clay.

Indeed, it is hard to give an overview of the major postmodernist tenets without seeming to fall into parody. All knowledge, scientific knowledge included, is held to be socially constructed through and through. Science is therefore merely one story among others. The world we know is one that is constructed by human discourses, giving us not so much truths as ‘truth-effects’ which may or may not be pragmatically useful. From this point of view, epistemologically speaking, a scientific text is understood as being on a par with a literary text. Further, given that for Derrida language is a self-referential system, all communication is reduced to the model of an avant-garde poem in which all meaning is indefinitely deferred.

So put this seems scarcely persuasive. (Indeed, as Garry Potter points out, this is not even a plausible account of an avant-garde poem: if there are no inherent meanings in the text it is not properly a text at all but indistinguishable from an arbitrary jumble of words.) More basically, a denial of realism can take two forms: the first is to accept the possibility of there being an objective reality but to deny that we are in a position to have knowledge of it; the second — more typically postmodern — is to see reality as entirely composed of our discourses about it. The effect of either form is that we no longer are in a position to talk of reality or truth as such: rather, both words are, as it were, to be put in inverted commas. Clearly, if we adopt the latter form of anti-realism, we should have a magical solution to all our problems. For example, as Ted Benton points out, if nature were merely a cultural construct, all we would need to solve our ecological problems would be to change the terms of our discourse. That these theorists do not in fact take this step suggests that they (for good reasons) fall shy of the consequences of their own theories.

One may question whether it is even possible to state theories of this kind without self-contradiction. If objective truth about reality is impossible, then what is the logical status of the statement that objective truth about reality is impossible, since it itself aspires to objective truth? A similar problem arises, as Bricmont points out, with regard to Richard Rorty’s neopragmatism. If, as Rorty proposes, we replace the notion of truth with that of usefulness, so that we accept only those propositions which we find in general to be ‘useful’, then the question arises as to whether they are really useful or not. That is, the very criteria by which we judge a proposition to be useful involve the same recourse to a correspondence with reality which the theory denies us in advance. We are left, inescapably, with the conclusion that the theory is incoherent.

Critical realism, then, rescues us from the postmodernist nightmare and restores us to reality. We cannot manage without a concept of truth. There is (as most of us thought all along) a pre-existing external reality about which it is the job of science to tell us. True, we must be cautious about claims to objective reality, alert to ideological distortions, and aware that the world is a messier, more complicated place than the accounts of physicists would suggest. This does not mean that such claims cannot plausibly be made. A central plank of critical realism is that science can no longer be considered as just another myth or story.

Ted Benton is concerned to restore the centrality of the concept of nature to the social sciences. He notes that, among sociologists, there is an ambiguous attitude to the natural sciences, debunking on the one hand but envious of their success on the other. The notion of nature, and for that matter human nature, tends to be seen as essentially a social construct, which means that we can never speak of nature as such but only of discourses about nature. The result of this, combined with a suspicion of scientific thought as indissolubly linked with political and social domination, is that sociologists are powerless to contribute to debates about such important contemporary issues as loss of biodiversity or ecological degradation, assessment of which is crucially dependent on scientific analysis. If sociologists deny the validity of a scientific account of nature to begin with, dissolving ‘nature’ into so many discourses, they are left with a hapless relativism, inadequate to deal with the ‘real’ problems that clearly exist. This is not to deny that science may be put in the service of political or social oppression, or indeed that scientifically-based remedies may be inappropriately applied. The answer to this is better political systems and more finely tuned application of science. It does not constitute an argument against scientific truth as a whole.

Bhaskar himself tends to argue on an ontological level (he asks what kinds of entities — natural and social — exist) rather than on an epistemological one (that is, asking what different ways there are of arriving at knowledge). There are good reasons for this. If scientific method does not differ essentially from other ways of determining the probable truth of a state of affairs, then it is hard to see how there can be competing epistemologies. Think, for example, of a murder enquiry: X has been shot, and the evidence available suggests that it was Y who did it. He was known to have a grudge against X, he had previously threatened to shoot him, there is good DNA evidence, and he was seen standing over the body with a smoking gun. Then, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, it would surely be rational of anybody to conclude that X was murdered by Y.

Now, this judgement may be wrong: later there may come conclusive evidence that it was Z who did it, having cleverly incriminated Y. In which case our conclusion will be revised accordingly. But any investigator considering the available evidence should reach the same conclusion regardless of their age, gender, race or sexual persuasion. That is what we mean by objective truth. If this is true of a murder enquiry it is surely true of how progress is made in the physical sciences: just as X was murdered either by Y or Z or somebody else, so the speed of light is either one value or another. It cannot be the case that the speed of light has one value for one theorist and another for another: either one or the other (or both) are mistaken. It is considerations of this sort that make nonsense of Luce Irigaray’s notorious question; "Is E = Mc2 a sexed equation?" Equations cannot be sexed like humans or chickens: the equation in question is true or false, regardless of who discovered it. It just happens that it was Einstein: it could easily have been someone else.

Clearly, critical realism is by now a diffuse and interdisciplinary movement, covering a wide spectrum of opinions. The question is: how broad a church can critical realism be if it is to remain both critical and realist? Most of the contributors to López and Potter’s anthology clearly accept scientific objectivity: it is far from clear that the contributors to the section entitled ‘Ways of Knowing’ are similarly committed. Jenneth Parker, invoking Lyotard, Feyerabend and feminist epistemology, explicitly argues that the ‘reductionism’ of Western science derives from the economic and political organisation in which it is embedded. This reductionism has allegedly led to the loss or marginalization of less privileged knowledge-systems. This may be so, but the term ‘knowledge-systems’ rather rigs the question in advance. If instead we talk of belief-systems — which say cover, for example, witchcraft, Christianity, astrology, not to say science itself — we can then ask the crucial question: are they true? For only then can they become knowledge-systems proper. And I’m not clear on what basis Parker could decide this.

She argues that Western science should not be privileged over, say, acupuncture; that to include both is likely to lead to a better understanding of the human body. Again this may be so: acupuncture is clearly widely-practiced and may have beneficial effects on health. But how many ways of understanding how a human body works can there be? If behind acupuncture there lies genuine knowledge about the human body so far unrecognized by science then the only rational procedure for scientists is to modify their theories so as to take this new knowledge into account. If this is thought to privilege the hegemony of science then I make the alternative proposal: that if there is genuine knowledge in Western science about the human body not previously taken account of by acupuncture (and,of course, relevant to healing) then it is only rational of acupuncturists to incorporate that knowledge into their practice, if it is possible to do so. The result is, in the first case, that science remains science, but better science. The result is, in the second case, that acupuncture becomes more scientific.

Parker is arguing for pluralism. However, whilst there can be, and obviously is, pluralism in regard to the values which particular societies endorse, it is unclear in what way there can be a pluralism in regard to truth. Obviously, there is a pluralism of ways of looking at the human body — an artist, a sexual partner, a surgeon will all look at it from very different perspectives. But it seems to me that only the biologist is in the business of explaining how the human body functions. It is theoretically possible that at any one time there may a number of competing biological theories, but only one (or none) of them is likely to be correct. A plurality of ways of looking does not translate into a plurality of ways of knowing.

Alison Assiter, writing on Descartes, adopts similarly dubious tactics. She argues that Descartes’ philosophical project foundered on its failure to take other people and their beliefs into account, and on Descartes’ own assumption that he could isolate himself from his particular values and beliefs to produce knowledge. She further argues that Descartes’ ultimate reliance on God is a result of his having severed any dependency on anything else, and that, from the standpoint of feminist epistemology, there is no ‘project of pure enquiry’ but that all enquiries are dependent on a social context. One may well agree that Descartes failed in his project, though scarcely for the reasons she gives. Assiter is here falling back into positions that are closer to postmodernism than to that of critical realism.

If the latter involves, as she says, "a socio-historical situating of knowledge", there is a singular failure in her essay to locate Descartes’ own philosophical project socio-historically. The main purpose of what we now think of as Descartes’ philosophical works was to establish a certain foundation for his physical science which he hoped, nervously aware of the fate of Galileo, would be acceptable to the Catholic Church. In this, as we know, he failed: for all his efforts to placate the Church, his works were placed on the Index of Prohibited Books. In his scientific work, like Galileo, he attempts to provide an account of the natural world in the light of human reason and independent of theology. If this is to be acceptable to the Church then he must find a way of showing that human reason is somehow guaranteed by God, that God is not a malignant trickster.

If we approach Descartes’ project historically in this way it is easy to see that Assiter’s charges are misconceived. Descartes’ dependency on God, in the context of his period, is scarcely a pathological matter, requiring a Freudian reading. The method of hyperbolic doubt is a heuristic device for a particular end, not a universal prescription: it is, I agree with Assiter, not something that school teachers should recommend to their charges, but Descartes would not have recommended it either. She finds it strange that Descartes, as a practising scientist, should not have emulated the procedures of the sciences in seeking help from others. This is anachronistic with a vengeance: there were in Descartes’ time no scientific institutions in our sense. Science was necessarily carried out by individuals in isolation. Indeed, contra Assiter, individualism in this sense has had a rather successful track-record in science. Whether or not there is ‘a project of pure enquiry’ one only has to think of the achievements of Newton, Darwin, Mendel, Einstein to doubt Assiter’s recommendation that truth is best validated in collectives.

What Assiter is mainly concerned to do, however — and here Descartes is only a convenient whipping-boy — is to advocate "the more collective, cooperative, self-reflective" approaches advocated by feminist methodology as exemplifying scienticity. It is hard to see, however, in what this methodology consists, or what defects in non-feminist methodology it seeks to remedy. Assiter invokes the insights of Sandra Harding for whom feminism requires us "to reinvent science and theorizing". The achievements of ‘feminist science’, however, as Susan Haack reminds us, have been unimpressive. Harding tells us that, thanks to feminist scientists, "we now know that menstruation, pregnancy, and menopause aren’t diseases." We may wonder what other great discoveries are to follow.

Haack argues in her book Manifesto of a Passionate Moderate (1998) that the profusion of incompatible themes offered as feminist epistemology itself speaks against the idea of a distinctively female cognitive style. Besides, if there are insights available to women that are not available to men, it is hard to see how men could even come to understand what feminist science is saying. The same, of course, applies to women attempting to understand masculinist science. But if we are to posit different epistemologies for men and women, what logical reason have we to stop there? Are there perhaps ‘gay’ ways of knowing as opposed to ‘straight’ ones? Are there perhaps black as opposed to white ones, urban as opposed to rural ones, childrens’ as opposed to adults’? And so on. If so we are each of us a confused site of many ways of knowing. The question is: what difference does it make to our ability to arrive at objective knowledge? I fail to see that it makes any difference at all. Assiter may well argue that it is impossible for us, Descartes-style, to strip ourselves of our social context, of our assumptions and values. In one sense it is. But if your purpose is, say, to discover the structure of DNA, they are not going to be of much use to you. As we know, Watson and Crick made the discovery; it could have been — and, as we know now, nearly was — Rosalind Franklin. This was not a triumph of a male cognitive style over a female one. If Franklin had made the discovery it would not have been the triumph of a female cognitive style over a male one. In either case the structure of DNA is a double helix.

To postulate the existence of competing epistemologies in the way that Parker and Assiter do is surely regressive — it involves a fracturing of knowledge and, by implication, leads to the relativistic impasses that are characteristic of postmodernism. It invites the suspicion that not all of those who now choose to operate under the banner of critical realism have the right to do so — they have changed the label but not the brew. It perhaps illustrates too that to go over from one paradigm to another is a messy business, and takes time. To the degree that critical realism has broken free of its successor it is surely to be welcomed — we have reality once again, and we have the possibility of progress in knowledge. We have (potentially) a social science that operates on the basis of a realistic conception of the natural sciences. There is at last light on the horizon. On the fringes of the movement there may be a few dubious practitioners who wish to return us to the postmodernist night in which all cows are black. But the centre seems firm enough, and we can only hope that it will hold.

© Roger Caldwell 2003

Roger Caldwell is a poet, philosopher and literary critic who lives in Essex. His book of philosophical poetry, This Being Eden, was published recently by Peterloo Press.

philosophynow.org



To: JohnM who wrote (12175)10/24/2003 4:42:19 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793622
 
"Oh, ya can't fire me cause I sticking with the Union,

I am following the progress of the NYC School system this year. Bob Herbert is a Black, Liberal Columnist for the "New York Times."
____________________________________________________

October 24, 2003
OP-ED COLUMNIST
Failing Teachers
By BOB HERBERT

ducation," said John Dewey, "is the fundamental method of social progress and reform."

I've been talking recently with a handful of dedicated teachers about the classroom conditions that have festered over the past several years at some of New York City's least successful high schools. These are places where fear and loathing take up the space that could have been occupied by progress and reform.

You'll find these noisy, chaotic classrooms in almost any of America's big cities, not just New York. They are ruthlessly destructive, and scary to students and teachers alike. They are places where childhood dreams all too frequently expire.

"Sisyphus, that's me," said one teacher. "But I won't give up because I can't bear to walk away from these kids."

The teachers would not go on the record. They were afraid of being punished by school officials for speaking out. And some worried about reprisals from their own union because of comments critical of teachers.

"What goes on in these classrooms, that's the story of urban education," said a teacher from Brooklyn. "You've got kids playing dice in the back of the classroom. You've got kids listening to their Walkman, or writing rap rhymes. And rapping to girls. And also practicing gang signs. Now that's a classroom that's run by a teacher who doesn't care."

There were frequent references to "the back of the classroom." When I asked why, one teacher said: "There's a certain protocol to the room. If they sit in the back, the kids have specifically opted out of dealing with the classroom. They feel as though they can do whatever they want back there."

"They just slam their desks to the back of the room," said another teacher. "There might be 15 or 20 kids back there, with a space between their desks and the ones in the front of the room. The teacher just teaches the ones in the front."

"Remember," said a teacher from Manhattan, "these are just children. Teenagers. There is no reason to ever let them get out of control like that. But I would say that many of the teachers I've met don't care about their students."

A male teacher who runs very disciplined classes in Brooklyn spoke of the fear that plagues teachers and students in some schools. "You have violence in some of our schools, and people react to violence in different ways," he said. "You have teachers who have categorized all of the students as a problem. So they walk into the room afraid of the students without ever knowing them. To them, the students are one-dimensional. Everybody's a thug. Everybody's a problem. So they don't require anything of any of them.

"Meanwhile, the students themselves are scared. The class becomes undisciplined, and therefore dangerous. So the good students cut out because they don't want to be in that environment. That's one way you lose the good kids. You have a lot of students who are not thugs, but who left school because they couldn't learn — they couldn't even hear — in that noisy, disruptive atmosphere."

The teachers I talked to spread the blame widely among students, parents, teachers and administrators. But they were hardest on teachers.

"You have teachers who are very diligent," said a middle-aged teacher from the Bronx. "They work very hard, and even come up with money out of their own pockets to pay for supplies, or even to help these children when they are in trouble. But there are many, many others who are not remotely interested in these kids. They tell the kids to their faces: `I don't care what you do. I'm still going to get paid.'

"They mean it. They don't care. The kids pass classes they don't even attend, and attend classes they aren't even assigned to."

Said a teacher from Brooklyn: "Kids would literally go to their friends' classes. Just to hang out. One teacher laughed and said, `I should give you credit for this class, you've been here so many times.' "

The worst of the problems — the true extent of school violence, the utter chaos in some of the classrooms, the fraudulent grading and promotion practices, the widespread contempt heaped upon the students, and the scandalous lack of parental involvement — have not yet been fully and honestly revealed.

Real progress and real reform won't happen without an understanding of the real truth.
nytimes.com