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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (476631)10/16/2003 11:59:07 AM
From: Emile Vidrine  Respond to of 769667
 
The Holy War Israel Wants
By Jonathan Cook
The Electronic Intifada
7-12-3

The inhabitants of Nazareth, Israel's only Arab city, often talk of the "invisible occupation": although they rarely see police -- let alone soldiers -- on their streets, they are held in a vise-like grip of Israeli control just as much as their ethnic kin in neighbouring Palestinian cities like Jenin and Nablus are.

In September 2000, for example, when Israel's one million Palestinian citizens, including Nazarenes, demonstrated against Ariel Sharon's visit to the mosque compound in Jersualem -- known to Muslims as Haram al-Sharif and to Jews as the Temple Mount -- 13 of their number were shot dead by police in four days. Not a single protester had been armed.

Last week the veil was again briefly lifted from the occupation inside Israel. More than 500 heavily armed police officers stormed Nazareth's city centre at dawn, arresting a handful of Muslim clerics and demolishing the foundations of a mosque that has been making headlines since a "holy tent" was first erected in 1998 at the site of the grave of Shihab ad-Deen, the nephew of Salah ad-Deen.

In all the excitement over Israel's withdrawals from Gaza and Bethlehem, the invasion of Nazareth was overlooked, except in the Hebrew press, where it was presented as a brave attempt by the government to rein in lawlessness and calm religious tensions in a city that is now 70 per cent Muslim and 30 per cent Christian.

But the case of Nazareth's "rogue" mosque is far more complicated than this -- and potentially more revealing of the political games Israel is playing with the delicate balance of forces between the country's religious communities.

In fact, far from being patently illegal, the mosque had actually won approval from two governments, Binyamin Netanyahu's in 1998 and Ehud Barak's in 1999. Both backed the plan, even though the mosque was to be located a few provocative yards from one of the holiest churches in the Middle East, the Basilica of the Annunciation. (Built on the site, say Catholics, where the Virgin Mary was told she was carrying the son of God.)

Violent clashes briefly erupted between Christians and Muslims in the wake of these decisions.

The government's position, however, changed last year, apparently after the Pope and President George W. Bush got wind that local Muslims had started laying the mosque's foundations.

Bush put heavy pressure on Sharon to intervene, and dutifully the Israeli prime minister set up a committee to consider the question again. It used a loophole -- that the building work had begun before all the official papers had been received -- to justify finding against the mosque's completion in March 2002.

There has been plenty of unhelpful hyperbole from Muslim clerics about the mosque destruction being a "war on Islam," but one point they make is worth examining.

Why, in the same week as the demolition, they ask, did Israel reveal it was allowing Jews to return to Jerusalem's Haram/Temple Mount complex? Non-Muslims have been banned from the area since Sharon's visit 33 months ago unleashed the intifada (as de facto have most Palestinians, who can longer get permits to enter Jerusalem). For a government so zealously concerned about sectarian provocations, this was a strange decision.

In fact, Jews demanding to go to the mount are mainly Messianic extremists who want to destroy the al-Aqsa and Dome of the Rock mosques and replace them with a reconstruction of the Second Temple. Mainstream Jews have been prohibited from the site since rabbis banned prayer there in the Middle Ages.

But that has not stopped the government from promoting Jewish claims to the mount. In May the public security minister Tzachi Hanegbi became the latest cabinet minister to say it was time to let Jews pray there.

The Israeli government's behaviour in Nazareth is equally baffling. Despite newspaper claims, the city's Christians and Muslims forgot their differences a while ago, with the outbreak of the intifada and the more pressing concern of how to survive the economic slump. The decision to demolish the mosque in such a heavy-handed manner is far more likely to tear the delicate fabric of civic life here. Already there are calls for the resignation of Nazareth's Christian mayor, Ramez Jeraisi.

So why do it now? Nazareth's Christians and Muslims unite in offering a disturbing explanation. They say Israel has a vested interest in fomenting trouble in their city to show that the two religions cannot live together in peace. "If they cannot share their holy sites in Nazareth, how can they ever do so in Jerusalem?" is how Nazarenes describe the logic of Israeli spin.

At the end of the long path of the US-backed road map to a Palestinian state is an international conference to decide the most charged question of all: who should have sovereignty over Jerusalem and its holy places, the Israelis or the Palestinians? Both peoples hope to be rewarded with control of the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount site.

In the meantime the struggle for the ultimate prize, including Israeli attempts to weight the decision in its favour, risks doing irreparable damage to religious tolerance in the Holy Land.

Jonathan Cook lives in Nazareth and writes for The Guardian (UK) and Al-Ahram Weekly (Egypt).



To: American Spirit who wrote (476631)10/16/2003 4:38:55 PM
From: Hope Praytochange  Respond to of 769667
 
Clark Drafters Seek a Spot in His Campaign

By Terry M. Neal
washingtonpost.com Staff Writer
Thursday, October 16, 2003; 12:00 AM

The thing about wild-eyed idealism is that it doesn't pay the bills.

When it came time to turn the movement to draft retired Army Gen. Wesley Clark to run for president into a nuts-and-bolts campaign, the usual dramas surfaced over power and money -- but because of the campaign's unusual genesis, the struggle for control of the campaign has some curious twists.

This sort of thing is not unique to the Clark campaign. Al Gore's campaign three years ago was riven with infighting and power plays. This year, Sen. John Kerry's camp has had its share of internal dramas. But the dynamics of the Clark campaign have been particularly difficult, in part because of the unique way it formed as an outgrowth of Internet activists interested in recruiting the person they saw as the best leader for the nation. The fact that Clark got in so late only raised the stakes to get it right from the start.

"This campaign is truly unique for a variety of reasons," Clark campaign communications director Matt Bennett said on Tuesday. "We're trying to start this up from a standing stop, eight months after everyone else. And on top of that, this is the first time anyone has tried to meld a national campaign onto an existing and very vibrant grass-roots organizing campaign that had sprung up without any help or input from the candidate."

This Is Where It Gets Tricky

When Clark announced his intention to run a few weeks ago, he cited the encouragement he received from the online draft movement as one of the factors that helped him make his decision.

The movement of bloggers and online activists was led by two groups, DraftClark04.com, based in Little Rock, Ark., which promised to have volunteers in place and ready to work for Clark in every state, and DraftWesleyClark.com, based in Washington, D.C., which generated nearly $2 million in pledges by early September.

But after Clark announced, the Internet activists had trouble melding with each other or with the professional campaign people, many of whom were veterans of the Clinton and Gore presidential campaigns. Initially, some of the Internet folks said they felt as though they were being shunted aside by people who understood the value of their product but not their value as human capital.

The leaders of DraftWesleyClark.com, John Hlinko and Josh Margulies, had said before Clark entered the race, that they would only take a salary if anything were left over after paying for expenses. (See my September 3 column.) This week, they said they were asking the Clark campaign for reimbursement for their work, and they acknowledged that the amount of their request -- which they would not reveal -- had generated a fair amount of dissension in the campaign.

But, the two men pointed out, Federal Election Commission rules prohibit organizations from turning over e-mail lists to campaigns for free, so they couldn't have given away their product even if they had wanted to. They said their lawyers were in negotiations with the campaign over "fair market value" for the e-mail list.

Problems such as these aside, the campaign was happy to report Wednesday that DraftWesleyClark.com had come through, converting about half of the $1.9 million in pledges into actual dollar contributions in the third quarter. In addition, Margulies, who has been hired by the campaign as a deputy spokesman, predicted that about 70 percent of the total $3.5 million raised by the campaign in the previous quarter came from Internet contributions.

"Yes, there were some real problems in the beginning," Margulies said. "But that's all yesterday. We're all really plugged in and integrated with the campaign in general. For all that to happen in less than a month is astonishing. I've seen a lot of campaigns where the egos last for 14 months, and that's not happening here."

No Unanimous Consent on That Issue

Not all of the Internet activists who worked on the draft Clark movement are so happy.

Stirling Newberry, a Lowell, Mass., activist who helped start or run a number of pro-Clark Web sites, including DraftClark.com, has been the most vocal. In a blunt (his critics say bitter) "Open Letter to the Clark Movement", Newberry predicted that the dual failures of the Internet-based movement and the professional campaign leadership will lead to the candidate's political demise.

"Many people intimately connected with the draft movement failed Clark. They failed him by inflating their accomplishments, and working to fragment the movement, so that they could get jobs in the campaign. Unfortunately, this has proven, as it always was, to be a mistake. The flaw was this: by lying about their accomplishments, it undercut the very credibility of the people who were fighting for the Draft Movement. As a result the insiders prevailed, and now the Draft movement is on the outside looking in -- with its most vocal supporter resigning from the campaign, and the positions of others left in doubt -- and its most eloquent spokespeople cut out of the process entirely."

Donnie Fowler left his job as Clark's campaign manager last week, saying Clark was more focused on wooing Washington insiders than the grass-roots activists who made his candidacy possible in the first place. (See Post story.)

Fowler, Newberry said, was the only person who could harness the energy and activism of the grass-roots and meld them into the professional campaign operation. The evidence of the campaign's inability to do that, he said, can be seen by the lagging effort to put together professional operations in key states, such as Iowa and New Hampshire.

Some of those inside the campaign, from both the volunteer Internet side and the professional side, characterized Newberry as a professional complainer. While they acknowledged a tough start, they said the two sides were coming together to form a strong organization. For example, Hlinko has been hired to run Internet strategy. He answers directly to the campaign chairman Eli Segal rather than to the communications director.

"I like Stirling, and I think he's a smart guy," Hlinko said. "But in this case, I just think he's wrong. He hasn't really been here. I look around the office and I see draft people all around me. Things are a lot better than he perceives it. The people who are seeing it close up are not echoing that sentiment. Not to disparage the guy, but he's just a little over the top."