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To: Solon who wrote (78042)10/22/2003 10:31:54 AM
From: Neocon  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 82486
 
Saint Augustine on Science and Scripture

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[Saint Augustine (A.D. 354-430) in his work The Literal Meaning of Genesis (De Genesi ad litteram libri duodecim) provided excellent advice for all Christians who are faced with the task of interpreting Scripture in the light of scientific knowledge. This translation is by J. H. Taylor in Ancient Christian Writers, Newman Press, 1982, volume 41.]

Usually, even a non-Christian knows something about the earth, the heavens, and the other elements of this world, about the motion and orbit of the stars and even their size and relative positions, about the predictable eclipses of the sun and moon, the cycles of the years and the seasons, about the kinds of animals, shrubs, stones, and so forth, and this knowledge he hold to as being certain from reason and experience. Now, it is a disgraceful and dangerous thing for an infidel to hear a Christian, presumably giving the meaning of Holy Scripture, talking nonsense on these topics; and we should take all means to prevent such an embarrassing situation, in which people show up vast ignorance in a Christian and laugh it to scorn. The shame is not so much that an ignorant individual is derided, but that people outside the household of faith think our sacred writers held such opinions, and, to the great loss of those for whose salvation we toil, the writers of our Scripture are criticized and rejected as unlearned men. If they find a Christian mistaken in a field which they themselves know well and hear him maintaining his foolish opinions about our books, how are they going to believe those books in matters concerning the resurrection of the dead, the hope of eternal life, and the kingdom of heaven, when they think their pages are full of falsehoods and on facts which they themselves have learnt from experience and the light of reason? Reckless and incompetent expounders of Holy Scripture bring untold trouble and sorrow on their wiser brethren when they are caught in one of their mischievous false opinions and are taken to task by those who are not bound by the authority of our sacred books. For then, to defend their utterly foolish and obviously untrue statements, they will try to call upon Holy Scripture for proof and even recite from memory many passages which they think support their position, although they understand neither what they say nor the things about which they make assertion. [1 Timothy 1.7]

pibburns.com



To: Solon who wrote (78042)10/22/2003 10:40:43 AM
From: Neocon  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 82486
 
Albert the Great

A life which combines religious perfection with the study of Wisdom has a marvelous power of arousing and lifting up the hearts of the faithful.

Albert was one of the early intellectuals of the Dominican order, founded in 1216. He gave a large part of the patrimony of universal wisdom to the thirteenth century, and was declared patron of all those who devote themselves to the natural sciences, by Pope Pius XII in 1941. He is more traditionally known as Albertus Magnus (Albert the Great). He was born in Swabia, within a few years of 1200 (the date is a mystery); the eldest son of a family belonging to the equestrian nobility. He was educated at the University of Padua, already a scientific center, and joined the Dominicans as a young man. After completing his studies he taught theology; going to Paris about 1240, where he took the degree of master in sacred theology between 1245 and 1246. For the next thirty years he led a very wonderous life as teacher and administrator: including periods as provincial of his order in Germany - and later as bishop of Ratisbon - outlining the roads of Europe on long journeys. Yet his printed works, which were mostly composed in this period, fill thirty-eight quarto volumes and cover every field of learning. At Cologne and Paris he had St Thomas Aquinas as his pupil, and one of his prophetic missions was to defend some of Thomas's writings against attacks at Paris in 1277. He died in 1280 - a genius with mystic forgetfulness setting in - piously chanting loving hymns to Our Lady. He was canonized and declared a Holy Doctor of the Church in 1931.

Christendom in the thirteenth century was by no means a secure and static civilization. Socially, materially and intellectually too, it was on the march. The Church, as ever, was changing with the times. The mendicant orders, whether Dominican or Franciscan or Carmelite, opened up a new kind of priestly vocation: for these friars were bound neither to a parish like the secular clergy, nor to a monastery like monks, but were rather free to study and preach. The friars soon earned key positions in the universities - a rather novel idea and sacred place for learning as well - which became the chief means by which the clergy were educated. The tasks of the university weaved into a dreamcoat of natural and spiritual splendor. Up to the twelfth century, the tradition of knowledge in the Latin-speaking western world had been based mainly on the Scriptures and the commentaries of the Fathers upon them, using a philosophy that may be loosely called Platonic. At the same time, the world of Islam had assimilated the logic and philosophy of Aristotle and much of Greek science and mathematics. In the twelfth century, these scientific and philosophical works became available in Latin translations. Thus the west was confronted with a new body of knowledge, obviously valuable but alien to the Christian tradition, and accompanied by Moslem commentaries which were very acute yet clearly erroneous in part. This knowledge was all the more suspect when it was transmitted by interpreters that were at odds with Christianity.

Albert's response to the difficulties of his time combined heroic sanctity with an astonishing universality of mind. That he should humble his life and science with this newer mendicant order, despite the severe temptations of family pride, was already an indication of the apostolic fire for which he "let his lamp shine" throughout his long life. But great courage and intellectual honesty as well were needed to conceive and put into practice the policy of 'baptizing' the new learning. A lesser man might have either rejected it outright, or embraced it uncritically; Albert proposed to understand it, to make it known, and to accept whatever parts of it might be found, after critical examination, to be true. This program, begun by Albert and systematized by Thomas Aquinas of memory his great disciple, still remains to be "Universally Understood"!. Neither of the two was a slavish follower of Aristotle; both differed from him on important points. And St. Albert warned us, 'He who believes Aristotle to have been a god ought to suppose that he never made a mistake; but if he sees him to have been a man, doubtless he could make a mistake, just as we do.' Yet he accepted the main lines of Aristotle's realism, and showed that Christian Doctrine could be expressed in terms of it.

Such a position implied a recognition of the autonomy of reason in its own sphere, in contrast with those who wished to make philosophy entirely subservient to theology; and of sense-experience as the origin of human knowledge, as against the Platonic view that it cannot give true knowledge. Both these conclusions are obviously important for natural science; indeed the changes in the intellectual climate brought about by the Aristotelean revival in the thirteenth century were surely the "deeper causes" for the rapid development of science culminating in the sixteenth. Albert was a keen observer, with the interest of a supreme scientist in natural facts. He was not so reductively acquainted with scientific method and explanation as they are used today; since he had the grander vision that pierces through the scientific temper of mind. In natural history he broke new ground: from the study of insects, even to the breadth of spreading his noetic wings into lofty encylopedic works on the whole range of natural phenomena generally known to mankind. From astronomy and stars, to mineralogy and the "gemmed feautures" of analogous physiology, stardust shines through diamonds and grace illuminates souls - even outling the celestial paths to Heavenly Glory...

St. Albert is an especially apt patron for scientists because he made his faceted love of truth about nature into an instrument of macroscopic love for Christ. Moreover, with all his scientific interest, he was never a narrow specialist. He wrote universally on logic, philosophy, theology and exegesis, with a prismed and balanced outlook. Science itself is no danger to the Faith, but if a soul becomes obsessed with one scientific mode of reasoning he may become blind to the spheres of faith. St. Albert's life shows how to focus this light. If he appealed to observation in "natural" science, he knew that in theology Truth makes the mind's basis the "Divinizing Doctrines" of the One Holy and Universal Church of God The Revealer. That's just a Catholic Fact for "those who have eyes to see and ears to hear...". If he was critical of the inaccurate observations of others, he always remained delightfully submissive to the Teaching Authority of Christ through the Holy Father and His Collegial Bishops. If Bishop Albert perfected contemplative activity in body and mind, he based this upon eager passivity to Divine Grace. Balance, universality and integrity might be his testament to scientists. Scholar and administrator; naturalist, philosopher and theologian; an innovator, yet a conserver of Sacred Doctrine; a man with an eye for detail - but always pursuing the integration of Incarnational Knowledge - St. Albert is a mirror of the qualities that modern scientists seek...


albertthegreat.com



To: Solon who wrote (78042)10/22/2003 10:54:52 AM
From: Neocon  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 82486
 
Roger Bacon (1214-1294), also known as Doctor Mirabilis (Latin: "wonderful teacher"), was an English philosopher who placed considerable emphasis on empiricism, and is thought of as one of the earliest advocates of the modern scientific method.

Bacon was born near Ilchester in Somerset. His family appears to have been well-off, but, during the stormy reign of Henry III of England, their property was despoiled and several members of the family were driven into exile.

Roger Bacon studied at Oxford, lectured on Aristotle and later became a Franciscan friar and a professor at Oxford. He probably took orders in 1233, and crossed over to France to study at the university of Paris, then the centre of intellectual life in Europe. The two great orders, Franciscans and Dominicans, were not long-established, and had begun to take the lead in theological discussion. Alexander of Hales led the Franciscans, while the rival order rejoiced in Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas. Bacon's abilities were soon recognised, and he enjoyed the friendship of such eminent men as Adam de Marisco and Robert Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln. In the course of his teaching and research, he performed and described various experiments.

The scientific training Bacon had received, mainly from the study of the Arab writers, showed him the defects in existing academic debate. Aristotle was known only through poor translations; none of the professors would learn Greek. The same was true of Scripture. Physical science was not carried out by experiment in the Aristotelian way, but by arguments based on tradition. Bacon withdrew from the scholastic routine and devoted himself to languages and experimental research. The only teacher whom he respected was a certain Petrus de Maharncuria Picardus, or "of Picardie", probably identical with a certain mathematician, Petrus Peregrinus of Picardie, who is perhaps the author of a MS. treatise, De Magnete, contained in the Bibliotheque Imperiale at Paris. The contrast between the obscurity of such a man and the fame enjoyed by the fluent young doctors roused Bacon's indignation. In the Opus Minus and Opus Tertium he pours forth a violent tirade against Alexander of Hales, and another professor, who, he says, acquired his learning by teaching others, and adopted a dogmatic tone, which caused him to be received at Paris with applause as the equal of Aristotle, Avicenna, or Averroes.

Bacon met the Cardinal Guy le Gros de Foulques, who became interested in his ideas and asked him to produce a comprehensive treatise. Bacon, being constrained by a rule of the Franciscan order against publishing works out of the order without special permission, initially hesitated. The cardinal became Pope Clement IV and urged Bacon to ignore the prohibition and write the book in secret. Bacon complied and sent his work, the Opus Majus, to the pope in 1267. It was followed in the same year by the Opus Minus, a summary of the main thoughts from the first work. In 1268, he sent a third work, the Opus Tertium to the pope, who died the same year. Bacon fell out of favor, and was in fact later imprisoned by the Franciscan order, presumably because of some of his controversial teachings and aggressive style.

In his writings, Bacon calls for a reform of theological study. Less emphasis should be placed on minor philosophical distinctions as in scholasticism, but instead the bible itself should return to the center of attention and theologians should thoroughly study the languages in which their original sources were composed. He was fluent in several languages and lamented the corruption of the holy texts and the works of the Greek philosophers by numerous mistranslations and misinterpretations. Furthermore, he urged all theologians to study all sciences closely, and to add them to the normal university curriculum.

He rejected the blind following of prior authorities, both in theological and scientific study. His Opus Majus contains treatments of mathematics and optics, alchemy and the manufacture of gunpowder, the positions and sizes of the celestial bodies, and anticipates later inventions such as microscopes, telescopes, spectacles, flying machines and steam ships. Bacon studied astrology and believed that the celestial bodies had an influence on the fate and mind of humans. He also wrote a criticism of the Julian calendar which was then still in use.

He was intimately acquainted with the philosophical and scientific insights of the Arabic world, which was the most advanced civilization at the time. He was an enthusiastic proponent and practician of the experimental method of acquiring knowledge about the world. He planned to publish a comprehensive encyclopedia, but only fragments ever appeared.

en.wikipedia.org



To: Solon who wrote (78042)10/22/2003 11:20:15 AM
From: Neocon  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 82486
 
Thoroughly Modern Thomas: Faith and Science in Aquinas

John C. Médaille

(I)t is impossible for the that one and the same thing should be believed and seen by the same person. Hence it is equally impossible for one and the same thing to be an object of science and of belief. Thomas Aquinas (ST 2-2.1.5)

To have faith is to enter in a practical way into the invisible world, to realize the presence of God, to wait for his visit, to deliver oneself over to him, to abandon oneself into his hands. Cardinal Newman

St. Thomas and the Modern World
The Modern world glories in its science which has allowed us to see to the very edge of the universe, to the beginnings of time, and even to the invisible world that may be the very boundary marker between physics and metaphysics. Throughout the world, pride of place is given to science, which has come to mean Western science, since the science we know is forged almost entirely in European civilization. Yet why this should be so is not entirely obvious. Europe (and her children, the Americas) is a very young civilization. The East had advanced cultures with mathematicians and scientists of note while Europe was a still collection of Celtic tribes in rude huts; when Rome was still young and ignorant, Egypt, Persia, India, and China were already both ancient and learned.

So why did modern science take hold in the West and in the West alone? Some believe that we moved so quickly to knowledge because we abandoned the baggage of belief; that we have so much learning because we have so little faith. Now it is undeniably true that we have little faith, but it would be completely wrong to ignore the role that men of faith had in setting science free from faith. Indeed, it is precisely the concerns of the scholastics which have made Western science so pre-eminent in the world, concerns which established science on a firm intellectual footing. Within the confines of Thomism we can see all the seeds of the scientific viewpoint, so much so that in the victory of science we can see the triumph of St. Thomas. However, this turns out very much to be a paradoxical triumph, one that forces us to re-examine the very definition of faith.

Knowledge: To See is To Know
For Thomas, "The nature of science consists in this, that from things already known conclusions about other matters follow of necessity (DT 2.2)." [1] This idea of a necessity that compels our intellect means that we can have a true knowledge of the world without resorting to faith, because "the human mind can see the truth by natural light without anything being added. (DT 1.1)" Thus nature can be studied apart from faith. It is not that the action of God is entirely absent from this knowledge, since the intellect, like all created active powers, functions under the movement and direction of the creator (DT 1.1), but this role is primarily conservative in that God "causes the natural light within us by conserving it, and directs it that it might see . . . DT 1.1.R8)." For Thomas, knowledge in man arises entirely from the senses (DT 1.3) and moves not from the general to the particular, but the other way round. Sense data has priority in understanding, for "the intelligible species is what is understood secondarily; but that which is primarily understood is the object, of which the species is the likeness (ST 1.85.2)." [2] Nevertheless, our knowledge is not limited to things, to mere objects, for while the knowledge of the objects is primary, intellectual knowledge consists in knowledge of universals which are "distinctly and determinately known (ST 1.85.3)." This knowledge is (or can be) both universal (and hence necessary) and integral (and hence complete): "In this way, we can have knowledge not only of the universal whole, which contains parts potentially, but also of the integral whole (ST 1.85.3)." The particulars are that by which the mind understands (ST 1.85.2), but the mind can reach clear and distinct ideas about the universals using analysis and synthesis (ST 1.85.5).

Further, Thomas has tremendous confidence in the intellect, so much so that he regards it as properly infallible when the terms are correctly understood, as in the case of self- evident propositions.

Therefore, also in regard to those propositions, which are understood as soon as the terms thereof are understood, the intellect cannot err, as in the case of first principles from which arises infallible truth in the certitude of scientific conclusions (ST 1.85.6).

It is only accidentally that the intellect may be "deceived in the quiddity of composite things," but as regards simple things "we cannot be deceived (ST 1.85.6)." Thus it is possible to achieve scientific infallibility if only a connection can be made between some particular proposition and a self-evident one. In all of this we see the germ of the scientific method: a movement from particulars of the sensual world to the universals of the intellect, a movement which may proceed in infallible certitude (at least in theory) if it is accomplished according to criteria which the intellect may easily see. The idea of sight is crucial: the body sees with the eyes and the mind sees with the intellect, and both may attain to certitude. But this picture is not complete without looking at the role that faith plays and its relation to science, and what kind of vision it entails; for just as science involves sight, faith involves a relative darkness.

Faith: Seeing is NOT Believing
For his definition of faith, Thomas adopts the motto of Hebrews: "Faith is the evidence of things unseen." However, as soon as a thing is seen, it is no longer a matter of belief, since a thing "cannot be seen and believed at the same time (ST 2- 2.1.4.R2)." "Hence it is equally impossible for one and the same thing to be an object of science and of belief (ST 2-2.1.5)." Thus, by a rather strict interpretation of Hebrews, science and faith are mutually exclusive. Faith does however play a role in the mundane workings of natural reason, for the human reason works by degrees and some things which can eventually be known must at first be merely accepted:

But what we first know is known on the strength of what we eventually come to know; so from the very beginning we must have some knowledge of those things which are more knowable in themselves, and this is possible only by faith. (DT 3.1)

While this refers to things that can be known naturally, there are other things that cannot be known naturally and hence can only be believed. Therefore Thomas can "quotation" Isaiah, "Unless you shall have believed you will not understand (DT 3.1)." Thus both in mundane and supernatural matters, Thomas establishes a clear priority of faith over reason. However, this is a temporal priority only, a condition arising from ignorance which will retreat with the advance of knowledge.

Faith itself forms a mean between science and opinion; with opinion it shares uncertain subject matter, but with science it shares certitude and "unerring firm assent" (DT 3.1). With both, it shares the fact that it concerns propositions, "on the part of the believer, and in this respect the object of faith is something complex by way of a proposition (ST 2-2.1.2)." Faith then is primarily directed at creeds and statements that are consequent on creeds, creeds which are to be accepted on authority alone. In fact, if you will believe only when moved by human reason, then the merit of faith is lessened,

For just as a man ought to perform acts of moral virtue, on account of the judgment of his reason, and not on account of a passion, so ought he to believe matters of faith not on account of human reason, but on account of the Divine authority. (ST 2-2.2.10)

It is clear then that while Thomas establishes a clear priority of faith over reason, this priority is purely temporal and contingent. Faith is needed for reasons which are purely negative and related only to our present state. We need faith because of the "initial weakness of the human mind, which reaches its perfection only at the end (DT 3.1)." We need it because "In us, however, the intelligible light is darkened by its union with the body and the bodily powers and this hinders it so that it cannot grasp the truth that is even naturally knowable (DT 1.1.R4)." Further, although faith is a virtue, it is paradoxically one shared by the demons (ST 2-2.5.2), but not by the angels (ST 2- 2.5.1), nor is it shared with the blessed in heaven, since perfect understanding is not compatible with faith (ST 2-2.8.2). Therefore faith and science are mutually exclusive: the more you have of one, the less you must have of the other.

Faith or Science, But Not Both
Thus for St. Thomas faith is a gap, and the gap is clearly our sinful and ignorant condition. It is faith that fills the gap, but only until something better comes along, namely knowledge; as the gaps are closed, the domain of faith diminishes, and here we see the genesis of the "God of the gaps." At the end of time faith disappears entirely and we have a vision of the divine essence (ST 1-2.3.8) and obtain perfect knowledge of it (ST 1-2.4.3), a knowledge without the gaps and hence without faith. But while we walk the earth, we need faith, a need that will diminish in time and disappear eventually. Faith may have a certain priority in the world, but actual priority belongs properly to science. Whatever the temporal exigencies may be, there is a clear priority in Thomas of knowing over believing; faith is ultimately subordinate to science. Indeed, the order found in St. Paul is reversed; it is not knowledge that will pass away (1 Cor 13:8) while faith abides (1 Cor 13:13), but precisely the opposite: knowledge will be all and faith nothing.

There is also a priority in the sources, for knowledge rests on reason and intelligibility, while faith rests solely on authority, the chief authority being the Sacred Scriptures themselves. But even here Thomas seems to see a relative darkness, for faith is about propositions, but the scriptures are largely about images. Thus in scholastic terms the scriptures actually hide the truth as much as they reveal it. The only reasons Thomas can offer for this is to hide the faith from unbelievers and from the unlearned (DT 2.4). This divine discretion is confined to the scriptures, for of that which God must speak in pale images, the theologians may speak of in "clear" propositions. It seems strange that a privilege denied to God is accorded to scholastics. Further, the whole question of prophecy appears to be contaminated, as it where, by its connection with images. Thomas presents a hierarchy of prophecy in which prophecy improves to the degree that it becomes less involved with images and more involved with clear statements (ST 2-2.174.3). This schema in fact seems very close to the schema on prophecy and images that Spinoza presents in the Theological-Political Treatise, with only the minor difference that while Thomas believes all of it, Spinoza believes none of it. But on the principles themselves, they seem to agree, so much so that one wonders if Spinoza had read St. Thomas.

Faith then, as the mean between opinion and knowledge, emerges as relative ignorance which will be replaced by certain knowledge. In adopting this view, Scholasticism anticipates the key tenet of the Enlightenment and a key premise of the Modern World. The moderns also see faith in terms of relative ignorance. For the scholastic, this ignorance will one day be replaced by the beatific vision; for the scientist, it will be replaced by the long-promised "Theory of Everything." Insofar as the Theory of Everything remains in the future and is believed to convey the solution to every dilemma, it remains an eschatological hope; insofar as the beatific vision will convey and organize all knowledge, it is a scientific hope. There is an irreducible irony in this.

The Paradoxical Triumph of Thomas
There is a terrible paradox at the heart of the Thomistic faith: at the moment we see God, we will cease to believe in Him; he will become merely the object of all our knowledge, for knowledge will be all and faith nothing. The modern world may be characterized as the triumph of reason over faith. While this is not at all what Thomas intended, yet it is not incompatible with his theology. He believed that while our certain knowledge must be deferred until the end of time, there was no limit on the advance of our relative knowledge. And seeing as faith is something whose content must be reduced, it is no wonder that philosophers sought to reduce it to nothing, to find self- evident premises, clear and distinct, and which did not depend on any authority save their own senses or their own intellect. Although Thomas expected to triumph at the end of time, he may be properly said to be victorious now, for in truth, the modern world is the bastard child of the Catholic Church in general and any DNA test performed on the child will reveal the paternity of Thomas. Thus this child, however unruly and rebellious, is not one we may easily disavow, and the scientist who disdains Thomas disdains his own origins. The modern world, desacralized though it may be, is still the continuation of a Christian world, and it needs only to find the way to recover its spiritual sources. That is a bit beyond the scope of this paper, but let me suggest that the answer will lie in re-establishing the ontological validity of faith, and not merely its temporal usefulness.

As long as one is talking about faith in propositions, it is difficult to see how Thomas can be in error; the more truth we see in a statement the less need we have for faith. However, one must ask if faith needs to be limited to propositions, to be merely a mean between absolute knowledge and relative ignorance; we must have a definition of faith that does not require that it be opposed to knowledge. Maurice Blondel lays down the presuppositions of such a definition:

. . . That the truth is loved as a being; that it is not treated as a simple object of study which can be disposed of at will; that there is a promise to give oneself to it as to a person; and that its conditions are accepted in advance in order [to] be worthy of knowing it better. Consequently, to say that this truth is penetrated only by letting oneself be penetrated by it, that it gives itself only to one who makes a self-gift, is to retrieve the well-known words of St. Augustine: "There is entrance into truth only by way of love. Ways of acting lead to understanding. When what is somehow or other known is loved, by this very love it comes about that it is more fully and better known." (italics in original) [3]

The solution to the problem would appear to arise naturally from these presuppositions, for that kind of truth which is "loved as a being," to which one "gives oneself," and whose "conditions are accepted in advance" is a personal truth and the kind of faith that this involves is faith given, not to some object like a creedal statement, but to another person. And when we recall that Jesus is "the Way, the Truth, and the Life" we shall have no difficulty in grasping intuitively this concept of faith. Indeed, if ultimate truth is a subject rather than an object, faith can be no other than this handing of ourselves over to the other. Faith, then, rather then emerging as a temporal expedient given by a God too stingy to give us "real" knowledge, appears to us as "a healthy disposition, the synthesis of our powers of knowing, of willing, of loving, in relation to beings capable themselves of knowledge and of goodness, and, above all, in relation to God." [4] Finally, this allows us to endorse Newman's definition of faith which Blondel "quotation"s: "To have faith is to enter in a practical way into the invisible world, to realize the presence of God, to wait for his visit, to deliver oneself over to him, to abandon oneself into his hands." [5] This, I think, is the faith for which modern man pines, and not for just another explication of a proposition.

medaille.com