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Politics : Israel to U.S. : Now Deal with Syria and Iran -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Elmer Flugum who wrote (2614)10/21/2003 7:54:54 PM
From: Scoobah  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 22250
 
An Exchange of Populations
By Rabbi Meir Kahane, Zt"l

In all the furor that has been created in Israel and the world Jewish community over the suggestion by certain "radical" Jews that Israeli Arabs be transferred from the country, there appears to be forgotten the fact that such an action would only be the second part of an ultimate exchange of populations.

The fact is, that with the creation of the Jewish state in 1948, hundreds of thousands of Jews fled Arab countries, almost all of whom left behind all their property for which compensation was never paid. It is worth while to look at the record before we dismiss the concept of the transfer of Arabs from Israel.

Algeria had 150,000 Jews in 1948. Pogroms in that country had occured almost every 10 years since tha 1890's, and during the 1930's, many Jews of Constantine were massacred despite French intervention. In 1961, the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) attacked the large cities where most of the Jews lived and 100,000 were forced to flee the country, leaving behind all their belongings.The FLN desecrated the Great Synagogue at Algiers and the ancient Jewish Cemetary at Oran, and succeeded in driving out all but 900 Jews by 1973. And so: Algeria 1948: 150,000 Jews; Algeria 1973: 750 Jews.

In Morocco in 1948 there were 300,000 Jews. On June 7 of that year, mobs in Oujda sacked the Jewish quarter, killing and wounding hundreds of Jews, and in nearby Djerada, 30 Jews were massacred by Arab mobs the same night. The new revolutionary government passed anti-Jewish laws so severe that they drove out 300,000 Jews. With the return of the Sultan in 1961, there was some relaxation of the laws; but by 1973 only 25,000 of the original 300,000 Jews remained. Morocco 1948: 300,000 Jews; Morocco 1973: 25,000 Jews.

There were 23,000 Jews in Tunisia in 1948. Following the revolutionary government's program of Arabization, Jews became "instant scapegoats ," and many were arrested for "economic" crimes simply for being merchants or practicing any gainful occupation. By 1973, all but 9,000 Jews had been driven out of Tunisia. Tunisia 1948: 23,000 Jews, Tunisia1973: 9,000 Jews.

Syria had 45,000 Jews in 1948. They had prospered under the Turks and the French, but when the Arabs took over, they at once became the target for both official and unofficial violence. Anti-Jewish legislation froze bank accounts and confiscated property. New laws forbade Jews to sell their property or move more than three miles from their homes. Special identity cards were issued to them, and they were allowed to work only at certain jobs. Government employees and military personnel were forbidden to patronize Jewish shops. Today there are fewer than 4,000 Jews in Syria, and they are under constant attack. Syria 1948: 45,000 Jews, Syria 1973: 4,000 Jews.

There were 45,000 Jews living in Libya in 1948. In Tripoli in 1945, 120 Jews had been killed by mobs of Arabs. After independence, most of the others were driven from the country, many were murdered after the Six-Day War and numerous others were arrested. In 1976, there were only about 70 Jews remaining in the country ruled by Colonel Qaddafi. Libya 1948: 45,000 Jews, Libya 1976: 70 Jews.

Jews have been in Egypt since Biblical times, and Alexandria had once been, at least partially, a Jewish city. In 1945, the pro-Nazi "Young Egypt" group led anti- Jewish rioting in which many Jews were killed. In 1947, a new law for companies made it practically impossible for Jewish businesses to operate. Egypt had 75,000 Jews in 1948, when bombings, burnings and looting destroyed almost $50 million worth of Jewish property. After the overthrow of King Farouk by Nasser and his "Free Officers," life for Jews became intolerable in that country. After the Suez War, 3,000 Jews were arrested and imprisoned without trial. Thousands of others were presented with deportation orders forcing them to quit the country within days and leave all their property behind. By 1967, Nasser had managed to force all but 3,000 Jews out of Egypt. There were fewer than 500 Jews remaining in the land ruled by the "moderate" el-Sadat in 1976; the rest were driven out to find new homes, mostly in Israel. Egypt 1948: 75,000 Jews, Egypt 1976: 500 Jews. ( Amnesty International reported in 1976 that there were only 350 Jews in Egypt.)

Iraq was the home of 125,000 Jews in 1948. Since then, the revolutionary government has conducted an almost incessant campaign of terror against them. Nine Jews were hanged in public and 68 tried as Israeli spies in January 1968 while chanting mobs moved through the streets beating up any Jew that passed their way, women and children included! By 1973, only 400 Jews remained in Iraq. Iraq 1948: 125,000 Jews, Iraq 1973: 400 Jews.

Yemen, where 54,000 Jews lived in 1948, had none in 1976. Hundreds were killed, and the rest found shelter in British bases until they were carried to Israel by Operation Magic Carpet. Before that, it was legal to stone a Jew to death, and the law decreed that " fatherless Jewish children under thirteen be taken from their mothers and raised as Muslims."Yemen 1948: 54,000 Jews, Yemen 1976: No Jews whatsoever!!

In Aden, there were 5,000 Jews in 1947, but in 1976 there were none. In December, 1947, Arab mobs attacked the Jewish quarter, killing several people and burning down buildings. Between 1948 and 1967, most Aden Jews fled to Israel. The 130 who remained fled after the riots in June 1967 to escape torture and certain death. Aden 1948: 5,000 Jews, Aden 1967: No Jews Whatsoever!!

A total of some 750,000 Jews fled Arab lands since 1948. Surely it is time for Jews, worried over the huge growth of Arabs in Israel, to consider finishing the exchange of populations that began 35 years ago



To: Elmer Flugum who wrote (2614)10/21/2003 8:28:50 PM
From: Crimson Ghost  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 22250
 
Middle East Surprises for Americans—and Not Only in Iraq

By John V. Whitbeck

For those formulating American foreign policy and dreaming of remaking the Middle East in their own image, the region appears to be full of surprises. The determined resistance of some Iraqis to the Western occupation of their country seems to have been genuinely unanticipated. It should not have been. If the United States were conquered and occupied by Arab armies which announced their intention to stay for years and to restructure the country’s government and economy along Islamic lines, would no Americans—other than “hardcore Bush loyalists” or “Republican Party remnants”—resist?

Kuwait’s July 5 legislative elections, if noticed in America, should have constituted an even more stunning surprise. Before and after the conquest of Iraq, U.S. proponents of the war evoked the vision of a virtuous “domino effect” toppling authoritarian regimes in the region and replacing them with modernizing, Western-oriented “democratic” ones. As a genuine reason for war, such a democratic mission always lacked credibility with those who actually live in the region—and recognize that, so long as America and Israel act like Siamese twins joined at the brain, any government in the Arab world which actually reflected the will of its people would be fervently anti-American.

Of course, Americans do like elections—provided they produce the “right” result. (Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has made it clear that an Islamic government will not be permitted in Iraq even if most Iraqis were to favor one.) However, few believe that Washington really would prefer a democratically elected government which is anti-American to an authoritarian regime which is pro-American.

So, what happened in the elections in Kuwait, the most pro-U.S. country in the Arab world, with the most reason (by far) to be pro-American? Kuwaiti “liberals,” who seek a more open and modern society and had hoped to make significant gains, were almost wiped out, retaining only three seats (down from eight) in the 50-seat parliament. The remaining 47 seats went to conservatives and Islamists, including radical fundamentalists. The “domino effect” has not worked out—at least not falling in the “right” direction—next door to Iraq. What would genuinely fair elections produce in other Arab countries, whose people arefar less pro-American? A quiet burial for the “democratic mission” can be anticipated.

Another illusion destined soon to be dispelled is that the current “road map” for Israel/Palestine will win the United States friends and gratitude in the Arab world, diminishing the anger aroused by the conquest and occupation of Iraq. While the “road map” is widely described as a “peace plan,” in Arab eyes, “peace” in Israel/Palestine requires ending the Israeli occupation, not crushing all resistance to it. Indeed, in most of the world true “peace” is recognized to require some measure of “justice,” a word rigorously avoided by successive American governments in connection with their successive “peace plans.”

The “domino effect” has not worked out—at least not falling in the “right” direction—next door to Iraq.

If one reads the “road map,” it is readily apparent that it builds on a false premise to reach an unbelievable conclusion. The premise is that the problem in Israel/Palestine is Palestinian resistance to the 36-year-long occupation, not the occupation itself. The conclusion is that, if the Palestinian leadership will first suppress completely all forms of resistance to the occupation and eliminate all capabilities for ever resisting again, thereby making the occupation totally cost-free for Israelis, then (and only then) Israel will choose, of its own free will, to end the occupation, withdrawing to (essentially) its internationally recognized pre-1967 borders, vacating the settlements, sharing Jerusalem and agreeing to a just settlement of the refugee issue.

The Holy Land may, in theory, be a land of miracles, but, even if the “if” were possible at the start of the road (which is most unlikely), it is difficult to believe that anyone in a state of sobriety could genuinely believe that the “then” would follow. (By contrast, if such a destination, fully consistent with international law, were announced and guaranteed at the start of the road, as it would be in any peace plan devised with a sincere intention to achieve peace, there no longer would be any need for resistance.)

Arabs are not fools. Even if they have not read the“road map,” when they see both George W. Bush and Colin Powell insisting that a total cessation of Palestinian violence is not good enough and that the Palestinian leadership must alsoeliminate any capability for resuming violent resistance in the future, they canrecognize that the true American objective is not “peace,” as they understand the word. Rather the goal is, at best, simply “quiet”—Palestinian acquiescence in the occupation and acceptance of whatever terms Israel may wish to impose on a defeated and demoralized people—and, at worst, provoking a Palestinian civil war.

Such a “peace plan”will win the United States no more friends and gratitude in the Arab world than do American efforts to repress resistance to its own occupation of a proud Arab country by ever-escalating force. Like Israel’s, the U.S. occupation is condemned to produce ever-intensifying resistance, which will be met by yet more brutal force in an infernal cycle which Israelis and Palestinians know all too well.

A Way Out

Is there any way to prevent an already ugly situation in the Middle East from degenerating into a long-term war of civilizations? Actually, there is. In March 2002, the Arab League, in its Beirut Declaration, dramatically offered full peace and normal diplomatic and economic relations between Israel and all Arab states in return for a total end to the occupation of all Arab lands occupied in 1967. The Arab League should formally reaffirm this offer, while also making clear the “other side of the coin”—that there will never be peace or normal relations until the occupation ends.

Washington should then make clear that what must end—and soon—is the occupation, not the resistance to it. Of course, for the U.S. to do so would require a virtual “second American declaration of independence.” American politicians would have to put the interests of their own country and people ahead of the desires of extreme right-wing elements in Israel and their vocal, intimidating and well-funded supporters in the United States. Most observers would consider such a revolution inconceivable, but, at least in theory, it is possible—and it is urgent.

The true “road map” confronting Iraq, Palestine and the region as a whole is not one of steady progress toward peace, prosperity, Western-style democracy and increasingly pro-American sentiments. Unless the world focuses soon on the real problem and its only real solution, and insists on the prompt implementation of that solution, we are all risking a rapid descent into hell.

John V. Whitbeck is an international lawyer who writes frequently on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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