SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (480741)10/23/2003 10:23:30 PM
From: Selectric II  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
Joe Wilson has some answering to do for his own actions. He's become a political hack, and his own investigation as a CIA operative has become suspect. Query: Since he "outed" himself, didn't he violate the same law that the leaker of his wife's identity allegedly violated?

As for Frankenkerry, well, it's Halloween.



To: American Spirit who wrote (480741)10/24/2003 10:32:31 AM
From: Hope Praytochange  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 769667
 
Kerry Still Dogged by Questions on Vote to Authorize Iraq War
By DAVID M. HALBFINGER

AVENPORT, Iowa, Oct. 23 — It dogs him at nearly every step on his presidential campaign: If Senator John Kerry is so critical of the Bush administration's handling of the war in Iraq and its aftermath, why did he vote to authorize the use of force in the first place?

The question comes at house parties, Q. and A.'s and fund-raisers, and from every kind of voter: retirees and students, housewives and doctors, those already aligned with outspoken antiwar candidates like Howard Dean or Representative Dennis J. Kucinich and those who say they prefer Mr. Kerry but are nervous about what they see as his most glaring soft spot.

Mr. Kerry's vote last week against President Bush's request for $87 billion for military efforts and reconstruction in Iraq and Afghanistan has not necessarily helped. He is having once again to square his vote in favor of last year's Iraq resolution with his opposition to the president's postwar policy.

"I voted against that $87 billion in Washington yesterday," he told an audience in Waterloo, Iowa, on Saturday. "But let me make it clear, I'm for winning the war in Iraq."

That Mr. Kerry is forced to explain himself so frequently, and how he handles the task, says a lot about where he finds himself in the campaign. Less than a year after being widely viewed as a front-runner in the Democratic field largely because of his foreign-relations expertise and his questioning of Mr. Bush on Iraq, Mr. Kerry still has to defend himself in the area that was supposed to be his greatest strength.

"There's no inconsistency in me," Senator Kerry, of Massachusetts, assured one voter at a house party in New Hampshire recently.

"I know what people say," he said on the MSNBC news program "Hardball With Chris Matthews" on Monday night. "My position could not be more clear."

As Dr. Dean, the former governor of Vermont, often points out, Mr. Kerry is one of four presidential candidates who voted to allow the use of force against Iraq. Among the leading contenders who did so, though, it is perhaps only Mr. Kerry who relies so heavily on the support of those liberal primary voters for whom the Iraq war is a lightning rod.

The Iraq problem has plagued Mr. Kerry ever since he surprised many by supporting the use-of-force resolution after having staked out a position as a leading Senate critic of the administration's push for war.

Part of Mr. Kerry's problem is the dynamics of this primary season and the political aftermath of the war. When he cast his vote on Iraq last year, most Democratic strategists were arguing that no Democrat who voted against war could be a viable candidate in the general election in a post-Sept. 11 world.

But in states with early Democratic nominating contests, antiwar sentiment — fueled by rising American casualties and the failure to find unconventional weapons — is running strong, giving Dr. Dean an issue.

In a new advertisement being used in New Hampshire, Dr. Dean says that with 130,000 American troops in Iraq, "the best my opponents can do is ask questions today that they should have asked before they supported the war."

The perception among voters that Mr. Kerry has tried to straddle an explosive issue is prompting him to work to dispel it on the stump lately. Yet even after months of practice, the senator continues to wade through lengthy explanations of his vote on Iraq — a tough sell, his supporters worry, to voters who may be tempted by Dr. Dean's more concise antiwar alternative.

"His biggest problem is Iraq — that he can't explain his position in two sentences," said Dan Caligari, a longtime New Hampshire campaign organizer who is backing Mr. Kerry.

Indeed, Mr. Kerry's explanations can take 10 minutes or more. In Berlin, N.H., recently, Mr. Kerry said his vote was partly a result of being misled by the White House.

"The president made promises to us — that he would build a coalition, that he would respect the U.N. and go through the international inspection process, and that he would only go to war as a last resort," he said.

In Lancaster, N.H., he said he had particularly trusted Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, "a Vietnam veteran, and a man I've known for years," and who, "in answer to my questions, says there's only one rationale for going to war, and that's weapons of mass destruction."

In an interview on Tuesday, Mr. Kerry took 40 minutes to arrive at a somewhat simple formulation. He said he had consistently supported holding Saddam Hussein accountable but by "doing it right." The administration pretty much did everything wrong, he said, and broke all its promises along the way.

Though his emphasis has shifted, Mr. Kerry's writings, statements and speeches from before the vote on using force through now do show consistent underpinnings. He argued for using the threat of force to support the weapons-inspection program, but only using force when all other options were exhausted. And he often warned that the greatest challenge would be in stabilizing postwar Iraq.

In the interview, Mr. Kerry said that he was frustrated at the way the debate about Iraq was playing out and that he believed that Dr. Dean had escaped scrutiny. He said Dr. Dean had criticized him and others who accepted the administration's assertions that Iraq had unconventional weapons, although Dr. Dean himself had previously said he believed Iraq had such weapons.

And he said Dr. Dean had expressed support for the same alternate Iraq resolution that Mr. Kerry and many other Democrats had preferred. It would have allowed Mr. Bush to go to war without further United Nations or Congressional approval, though it would have given him somewhat less latitude. That proposal never came up for a vote.

"Nobody has paid attention to his duplicity," Mr. Kerry said of Dr. Dean. "We're going to have to point it out more, but he was allowed a complete free ride."

Mr. Kerry, meanwhile, has received anything but. His vote against the $87 billion to pay for military and reconstruction efforts drew a fresh scolding from Dr. Dean.

"The right choice would have been voting no last fall," Dr. Dean said. "Trying to have it both ways demonstrates neither strong leadership nor good judgment."

Mr. Kerry said the difference between his votes on the two matters was the administration's record.

"They're not promising some course, they're on the course," he said. "What they've done is visibly mistaken. What they're doing is visibly wrong."

He added, " Now there's a clear track record and a clearer set of very bad choices, and I'm voting against those choices."

Asked, however, whether he would still have opposed the $87 billion had his vote been the decisive one, Mr. Kerry dismissed the hypothetical as "unrealistic" but added, "I would never desert the troops."

In any case, Mr. Kerry said he took solace from a poll last week finding that many voters in three early primary states said they wanted a presidential nominee who supported the war in Iraq but was critical of Mr. Bush for not assembling an international coalition. And, Mr. Kerry noted, he received an ovation on Saturday in Waterloo when he spoke of his vote against the $87 billion.

"I think over time it's sinking in," Mr. Kerry said. "I think I was prescient. I think I showed leadership."

People might now realize, he said, that "Kerry saw this correctly. Kerry said, Yes, hold him accountable but do it in a responsible way that takes the time so that if and when you have to go in, you're prepared, and you're ready.' "



To: American Spirit who wrote (480741)10/24/2003 10:48:25 AM
From: JakeStraw  Respond to of 769667
 
An Open Letter to Sen. John Kerry on Iraq

by BRIAN WILLSON

Dear John,

It has been a long time since we have had contact. As you might remember our very first meeting was at VVAW's Dewey Canyon III, "A Limited Incursion Into the Country of Congress," April 19-23, 1971, in Washington, D.C. I'm sure you remember asking the Senate that week in an impassioned speech, "How do you ask a man to die for a mistake?" You also stressed the importance of being "totally nonviolent."

Our second and many subsequent meetings occurred in Massachusetts after you were elected Lt. Governor, 1982-84, while I was active in veteran's issues in Western MA. As director of a veterans outreach center in Greenfield, and the Western Massachusetts Agent Orange Information Project, I served on the Massachusetts Agent Orange Task Force under Governor Dukakis' veterans commissioner and your office as Lt. Governor. I subsequently also served on Dukakis' homeless veterans task force.

When you decided to run for the Senate in 1984 against Ray Shamie, a wealthy businessman, remember that I loyally supported your campaign as one of the dozen or so Vietnam veterans the press called Kerry's Commandos, you called "Doghunters." We accompanied you throughout the state, and fended off right wing criticism from folks such as General George Patton III, who accused you of "giving aid and comfort to the enemy" for your earlier VVAW activities. I'm sure you remember with fondness that critical time that launched you into national office. Your lawyer brother, Cameron, concluded that it was the veterans' support that pulled your first campaign out of a nose dive and created the necessary "galvanizing energy."

Your critics had suspected that your activities, both in the war, and in years following, were prompted, at least in part, to an intense political ambition, even as you addressed your Yale law school graduating class with an anti-Vietnam War speech shortly prior to enlisting in the U.S. Navy. Your career in the Senate has revealed your all consuming ambition, but that is quite typical of politicians.

The first hint of a bit of disconnect in your style was when during your first Senate campaign you denied returning your war medals, with a thousand other veterans, in protest of the war during Dewey Canyon III. That was a bit of a shock, since for most veterans who returned their medals in that emotional ceremony on Friday, April 23, 1971, it was a very proud and healing moment. Your 1984 campaign response: You had returned the medals of a WWII acquaintance at his direction. All those 13 years everyone thought you had had the courage and leadership to return medals that to veterans who returned them represented medals of dishonor drenched in the blood of innocent Vietnamese who did not deserve to die for a lie, any more than our fellow US Americans. I guess you knew then that you were to be running for office.

The second hint occurred at the celebration party you organized for us "doghunters" at your friend John Martilla's Beacon Hill house in Boston in late June 1985, 6 months into your term as a junior Senator. In the wee hours of the morning, you made two comments that troubled me: (1) you stressed your initials as "JFK" that would help you one day in your quest for the White House, and (2) that after War Department briefings (and perhaps CIA as well) about the need for funding and training contra terrorists in Afghanistan and Nicaragua you had a new appreciation for their importance in furthering U.S. policies. That did not mean that you necesaarily voted for Contra aid but that once in power, information becomes part of an elite circle preempting genuine democracy. I had driven in from Greenfield for that celebration party, and after those remarks I immediately left the party and drove the two hours home. I never forgot it, obviously.

In late September 1986, you, along with some other Senators and Representatives, reluctantly supported the four veterans (myself being one of them) participating in the open-ended Veterans Fast For Life (VFFL) on the east steps of the Capitol building, protesting aid to the Contras. During that fast one of your fellow Senators, Warren Rudman (R-NH), stated in October 1986 that our "actions are hardly different than those of the terrorists who are holding our hostages in Beirut." Shortly thereafter, both our VFFL offices and separate housing accommodations were broken into with many files of our activities and addresses of supporters taken. The FBI initiated a "domestic terrorist" investigation of the members of the VFFL which was revealed later when an FBI agent refused to comply and was fired after nearly 22 years service in the agency.

In September 1987, as you remember, I was severely assaulted by a US weapons train in Concord, CA, during a peaceful protest of a Pentagon munitions train moving lethal weapons to Central America, suffering permanent injuries. Later it was revealed that they suspected me of planning to "hijack" the train, and had accelerated the train 12 miles above the legal speed limit of 5 mph rather than stopping and awaiting police arrest.

Such is life. Contra "terrorists" in Nicaragua called freedom fighters by US presidents, while nonviolent protestors of terrorist policies are labelled the "terrorists" to be investigated. Then look what happened with our terrorists, the Mujahideen in Afghanistan. Now the Congress is giving the resident of the White House virtual carte blanche authority to launch pre-emptive strikes against more evil lurking beyond our borders. It is a no-brainer to many outside the beltway that we are really experts at knowing how to create rage, then revenge, with our policies of aggression and arrogance.

In the life of being a Senator, John, I'm afraid that your career again proves that power corrupts (and blinds), and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Of course you have many friends in the same camp. With your vote for essentially agreeing with the selected resident of the White House's request for incredible authority in advance to wage wars against whomever he wants, you have contributed to finalizing the last of the world's empires, and the likely consequent doom of international law, peaceful existence, and hope for the future possibilities of Homo sapiens. Of course, it also means that searching for the motivations of other people's rage and desperate acts of revenge will be overlooked, dooming us to far more threats and instability then if we had seriously pursued a single-standard in the application of international law equally with all nations in the first place. We are too much of a bully to do that, and have stated over and over again that the American Way Of Life is not negotiable. Can you understand that this means species suicide?

I'm sorry and terribly fearful for this state we are in. Your vote is terribly misguided, John. Now that veterans have reorganized throughout the nation as once again an important part of the growing movement, know that we shall work hard for your defeat, whether as a Presidential candidate or for another Senate term.

Sincerely,

S. Brian Willson
Arcata, California
Veterans For Peace