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To: FaultLine who wrote (14119)10/27/2003 9:19:23 PM
From: KLP  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793742
 
1967: Lyndon B. Johnson -Man of the Year - Time

(FL, Found a couple of things that might be of interest to you---the more things change, the more they stay the same...)

1967: Lyndon B. Johnson

FROM THE TIME ARCHIVE
Jan. 5, 1968
time.com



Even if the television tube and a ubiquitous Texan had yet to be conceived, the President of the U.S. in the latter third of the 20th century would almost certainly be the world's most exhaustively scrutinized, analyzed and criticized figure. As it is, the power of his office and the jovial Executive's visage and voice are available for instant dissection from Baghdad to Bangkok, from factory cafeteria to family living room. Depending on the man and the moment, he may come across as heavy or hero, leader or pleader, preacher or teacher. Whatever his role, in the age of instant communications he inevitably seems so close that the viewer can almost reach out, pluck his sleeve and complain: "Say, Mr. President, what about prices? Napalm? The draft?"

For Lyndon Johnson's 200 million countrymen, the year produced an unprecedented crop of complaints, based largely on the two great crises that came into confluence. Abroad, there was the war in Viet Nam, possibly the most unpopular conflict in the nation's history and the largest ever waged without specific congressional consent. At home, the Negro, more aware than ever of the distance he has yet to travel toward full citizenship, vented his impatience in riots that rent 70 cities in a summer of bloodshed and pillage. The U.S. was vexed as well by violence in the streets, rising costs, youthful rebelliousness, pollution of air and water and the myriad other maladies of a post-industrial society that is growing ever more bewilderingly urbanized, ungovernable and impersonal.

Sense of Impotence. It was, for many Americans, an end of innocence. The U.S. was still the world's pre-eminent power, still reveled in the accouterments of prosperity, still enjoyed a standard of living far more abundant than that of any other civilization. But then 1967 awakened many of its citizens to the fact that conscienceless affluence can not only despoil the environment and drive a deprived underclass to the brink of rebellion; it can also pervade society with a sense of impotence and bring on a loss of unifying purpose.

With so many problems flowing together, the nation was battered by a flood tide of frustration and anxiety. A doubt that in the past had rarely been articulated or even felt crept into the American consciousness: Is the U.S., after all, as fallible in its aims and unsure of its answers as any other great power? Can--and should--the Viet Nam war be won? Can the nation simultaneously allay poverty, widen opportunity, eradicate racism, make its cities habitable and its laws uniformly just? Or will it have to jettison urgent social objectives at home for stern and insistent commitments abroad?

It was increasingly clear that the attainment of all these elusive goals would require, above all, a quality that Americans have always found difficult to cultivate: patience. Yet, as the National Committee for an Effective Congress declared last week, with no exaggeration intended, "America has experienced two great internal crises in her history: the Civil War and the economic Depression of the 1930s. The country may now be on the brink of a third trauma, a depression of the national spirit."

More than ever before in an era of material well-being, the nation's discontent was focused upon its President. The man in the White House is at once the chief repository of the nation's aspirations and the supreme scapegoat for its frustrations. As such, Lyndon Johnson was the topic of TV talk shows, and cocktail-party conversations, the obsession of pundits and politicians at home and abroad, of businessmen and scholars, cartoonists and ordinary citizens throughout 1967. Inescapably, he was the Man of the Year.

Often, the 36th President called to mind the Duke of Kent's lament for King Lear: "A good man's fortunes may grow out at the heels." Whether Johnson was a good man to begin with is disputed by many of his critics, but his tribulations were sufficient to deter any man of lesser fortitude--or obstinacy. Week by week, his popularity (as judged by polls that invite a disproportionate number of negative answers: e.g., "Do you approve of how the President is doing his job?") plummeted, reaching a low of 38% in October, where once he had basked in the approval of 80% of the nation (at year's end, however, Gallup showed him up to 46%). Congress, only recently scorned as a "rubber stamp," turned around and began stomping on him.

Caesar & Caligula. Rarely had the voices of dissent been raised so loud or carried so far, or trained on so many issues. The young formed the sword's point of protest--students on a thousand campuses, Negroes in a hundred ghettos, hippies in their psychedelic enclaves. But there was hardly a segment of society that seemed immune to the disaffection. Housewives were alarmed by growing grocery bills, farmers by tumbling prices for their produce, parents by their alienated children, city dweller by the senseless violence around them.

It was sometimes hard to tell whether the rancor aroused by Johnson stemmed from his policies or his personality. An immensely complex, contradictory and occasionally downright unpleasant man, he has never managed to attract the insulating layer of loyalty that a Roosevelt or a Truman, however beleaguered, could fall back on. Consequently, when things began to go wrong, he had few defenders and all too many critics.

Whenever he left his desk and sallied forth among the people who only three years ago gave him the greatest outpouring of votes in history, he attracted angry pickets. Hardly a day passed without a contumelious attack. Wherever he went, from a speaking engagement in Los Angeles to a cardinal's funeral in Manhattan he was dogged by shouts of "Murderer!" and "War Criminal!" or chants of "Hey, hey, L.B.J., how many kids did you kill today?" He was likened to Caesar, Caligula and Mussolini.

Notable Dropout. The very men who most fervently endorsed his domestic programs were largely those who most passionately deplored his commitment in Viet Nam. They felt that, as Yale Economist James Tobin, a former presidential advisor, put it, "the butter to be sacrificed because of the war always turns out to be the margarine of the poor." The President appeared to have broken finally with such Democratic stalwarts as Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman J. William Fulbright, New York's Senator Robert Kennedy and Minnesota's Senator Eugene McCarthy. Much of the anger directed at Johnson spilled over onto Vice President Hubert Humphrey as well, largely because of his unwavering support of the Viet Nam war and of the feeling among his erstwhile friends in the Americans for Democratic Action that he has "deserted" them. The result has been to diminish drastically Humphrey's hopes of ever succeeding Johnson on his own.

Democrats abandoned the President in droves, forming Dump L.B.J. movements or rallying behind Gene McCarthy as an alternative for 1968. Said Michigan's former Democratic State Chairman Zoltan Ferency, who quit over Johnson's war policies: "The youth, the academicians, the women, the intellectuals--they are dropping out of politics, they are turned off." A notable dropout was liberal Pundit Walter Lippmann, long since disaffected with L.B.J., who went so far as to declare that it would be in the "national interest" for the Johnson Democratic Party to "be ousted by a rejuvenated Republican Party." Notes TIME'S Washington Bureau Chief John L. Steele: "Historical generalizations are dangerous, but one is tempted to suggest that not even Lincoln--who had to fight a civil war to preserve the Union--faced such internal questioning, such intense and wide-ranging dissent as did Lyndon Johnson in 1967."

Flubdubs & Mollycoddles. Name calling is a time-honored sport among Americans where their Presidents are concerned. George Washington was called a crook and the "stepfather of his country." It was said of John Adams that "the cloven foot is in plain sight." Jefferson was berated as a mean-spirited hypocrite, Jackson as a murderer and adulterer, Lincoln as a baboon. With rare elegance, Teddy Roosevelt called Woodrow Wilson "a Byzantine logothete (an emperor's bookkeeper) backed by flubdubs and mollycoddles." When the Depression laid Hubert Hoover low, newspapers were called "Hoover blankets," and a "Hoover flag" was an empty pocket turned inside out.

Johnson has fared worse than most, Black Power Apostle Stokely Carmichael calls him a "hunky," a "buffoon," and a "liar." Stokely's successor as head of the ill-named Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee, H.Rap Brown, suggested that the President--and Lady Bird--ought to be shot. In The Accidental President, liberal Journalist Robert Sherrill described the President as "treacherous, dishonest, manic- aggressive, petty, spoiled." The outrageous play MacBird! called him: "...this canker.../This tyrant whose name alone/ blisters our tongues.../Villain, traitor, cur."

In the Bunker. With so many harpoons filling the air, Johnson prudently stuck to his bunker for much of the year. In 1966, he held 40 formal press conferences; in 1967, only 21. He spent two months at the L.B.J. Ranch last year, and even in Washington made himself scarce for long periods.

Occasionally, Johnson would erupt, recalling the "whirlwind President" of 1964. His popularity rating spurted when he met with Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin at the Glassboro summit--and impressed him as a man to be reckoned with. Johnson ended one of the long silent spells with his now-famous "new look" press conference, during which he prowled a makeshift stage in the East Room of the White House like a restless tiger, exuding confidence and control. Before an A.F.L.-C.I.O. convention in December, he hit into the Republican "wooden soldiers of the status quo" who were poleaxing his programs in Congress.

Two weeks ago, he gave a dramatic demonstration of the resources available to an American President--and his readiness to put them to use. On less than 24 hours notice, he assembled an entourage of four jet planes and 300 people and spent the next five days in a dizzying, 26,959-mile circuit of the globe. The original reason for his cyclonic odyssey was to attend services for Australia's Prime Minister Harold Holt. Characteristically, Johnson transformed it into a microcosm of his coming campaign.

In Canberra, he buttonholed nine allied leaders for talks, turning the somber occasion into an impromptu summit conference on the war. In Viet Nam and Thailand, he showed one part of his celebrated "two-fisted" approach, urging U.S. servicemen to "give it to" the enemy. Karachi was a jet hop, skip and jump away, so he stopped in to press the flesh with President Ayub Khan, a difficult ally of late. Whisking in to Rome, he unlimbered the other fist, the one that holds the olive branch, assuring Pope Paul VI that "we will agree to any proposal that would substitute the word and the vote for the knife and the grenade in bringing an honorable peace to Viet Nam."

When High Hopes Turn Sour. Johnson is acutely aware of how much is expected of him as President--and of the fact that, in the eyes of many, he has fallen short. As Health, Education and Welfare Secretary John Gardner indicated in a year-end appraisal of "the alarming character of our domestic crisis," the President fell victim to "the bitterness and anger toward our institutions that wells up when high hopes turn sour." Johnson himself conceded early in the year: "In all candor, I cannot recall a period that is in any way comparable to the one we are living through today. It is a period that finds exhilaration and frustration going hand in hand--when great accomplishments are often overshadowed by rapidly rising expectations."

As the months unfolded, frustration waxed relentlessly and exhilaration waned. It was a time when the war was escalating just as the problems of peace were intensifying, and Johnson was badly buffeted by the conjunction of those two powerful trends.

In Viet Nam, the President increased the U.S. troop level until it had passed the high-water mark of the Korean War (472,800 men) and soared on toward 525,000, where it will presumably level off this year. The big-unit war continued decisively in favor of the allies, though the enemy shifted to a strategy of mass assaults on exposed frontier positions such as Dak To and Con Thien in hopes of bloodying a big U.S. force and further eroding Stateside support of the war. American casualties since the beginning of the war climbed well over the 100,000 mark, including 13,000 dead, while the monetary cost of the war last year alone totaled $25 billion--part of a $70 billion Defense budget that, in terms of the gross national product, was 50% smaller than the Pentagon's expenditures in the last year of the Korean War.



To: FaultLine who wrote (14119)10/27/2003 9:48:55 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793742
 
An it mounted up your Honor, bit by bit,
(up your Honor, bit by bit.)
into a little tin box, a little tin box
that a little tin key unlocks,

"LaGuardia"
_______________________________________________

Two paths to gold for Bush and Dean
President’s backers max out as Dean’s add up bit by bit
By Klaus Marre

President George W. Bush and former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean, the two leading fundraisers in this election cycle, have taken vastly different approaches to getting people to support their campaigns financially.

Their methods are as different as night and day, according to a detailed examination of their respective 10,000-plus- page financial disclosure reports to the Federal Election Commission (FEC).

These FEC reports, which only include contributions from those who have given at least $200, show that Bush gets the majority of his money from people giving the maximum donations of $2,000.

About half of all individuals listed in Bush’s FEC report, an estimated 15,000, have contributed $2,000, whereas only about 800 have reached the $2,000 level for Dean. This means Dean gets a much lower percentage of his overall contributions from large donors than does either Bush or some of the former governor’s Democratic rivals.

On the other end of the spectrum, the difference between the candidates is even more pronounced. Many Dean supporters have contributed more than $200 in the cycle by giving repeated small amounts, often as little as $10 at a time. In contrast, Bush donors appear to give just once each, so those who donate $10 or similar small sums do not show up in the FEC report with cumulative totals of $200 or more.

Fewer than 50 identified individuals have given to Bush five or more times in the past reporting period, and only two more than 10 times. In contrast, dozens of people gave to Dean more than 10 times in the third quarter, with a large percentage of donors contributing to the campaign at least twice. In addition, Dean spokesperson Garrett Graff said 15 percent of all individuals who have financially supported the campaign have done so more than once and over 19,000 people have contributed at least three times.

Lisa Bryan of San Diego, Calif., for example, made 32 contributions totaling $749.77 to the Dean campaign in the last three months, and Noelle Perese of Northampton, Mass., made 18 contributions totaling $210 between Sept. 21 and Sept. 30.

Even with the restrictions of the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act, Bush is shattering all previous fundraising records. He raised almost $50 million in the quarter that ended Sept. 30 and has more than $70 million on hand for his uncontested primary.

While falling well short of Bush’s fundraising totals, Dean has broken former President Bill Clinton’s old record of money raised by a Democrat in any three-month period by amassing almost $15 million in the last quarter.

The Dean campaign says one of the reasons for the multiple donations is that people can follow how much money the campaign is taking in, comparing it to the “thermometers” often used at charity events.

The Dean campaign has used this method to get people to keep contributing by, on some occasions, showing on its web- site how a “fundraising bat” keeps filling up, according to a spokesperson. Dean has been especially effective in using the Internet to his advantage, getting about half of his campaign donations online in the third quarter and building a large network of activists.

Graff said the average Internet contribution is $61, smaller than the average “offline” contribution of $86.

In the coming months, Dean may be able to tap existing donors because only a minority of them have maxed out at $2,000. With many of his Democratic rivals relying on individuals giving a large amount in a single donation, Dean could tap into his group of core supporters time and time again throughout the primary.

Garrett said Dean received contributions from 168,533 people in the third quarter, who combined for 201,233 donations for an average of slightly less $74 per donation and $88 per donor. The spokesperson clarified a misleading statement on the Dean website that indicates that the average individual gave only $74.

These figures allow the Dean campaign to portray their candidate as more of a populist than his Democratic opponents and Bush. The Bush campaign said the president has received contributions from 262,000 people in the cycle, an average of $316 per person.

Dean is also increasingly attracting support from Hollywood, often said to be a core group of large donors for the Democratic Party. In the past three months, Dean received donations from celebrities such as Helen Hunt, Robin Williams, James Belushi, William Baldwin, Rene Russo, Morgan Fairchild, Janeane Garofalo, Christopher Lloyd, Glenn Close and Leonard Nimoy, who combined for almost $15,000 in donations.

Celebrity support could provide benefits beyond the money they give, if they agree to participate in fundraising efforts for the candidate. Graff was not aware of any efforts to get Dean’s famous supporters to contribute in other ways.

Other donors show their support in a different way, such as making political statements with their contribution. William Holtzman of San Francisco, Calif., listed “Unemployed Victim of the Bush Administration” as his job description. His lack of employment did not, however, prevent Holtzman from contributing the maximum, $2,000, to Dean.

If the 2004 election would be decided in a one-on-one basketball game, Bush would probably have the edge. Los Angeles Laker Karl Malone is one of his donors. Dean is supported by Golden State Warriors backup center Evan Eschmeyer.

thehill.com



To: FaultLine who wrote (14119)10/27/2003 10:25:44 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793742
 
Happy Days are here again!

When the gross domestic product for the July-September quarter is announced Thursday, it is expected to show that the economy barreled forward at an annual rate of 6% or perhaps even 7% — a performance unmatched since the glory days of the '90s boom.
LA Times Sunday Front Page
________________________________________________

THE NATION

The Economy Revs Up, but Can't Overtake Uncertainty
Forecasters' uncertainty about a recovery worries politicians. Spurt's effect on job market is unclear.
By Peter G. Gosselin
Times Staff Writer

October 26, 2003

WASHINGTON — As 2003 winds down and the presidential campaign ramps up, most mainstream economists agree that the U.S. economy is expanding at its fastest pace in four years.

When the gross domestic product for the July-September quarter is announced Thursday, it is expected to show that the economy barreled forward at an annual rate of 6% or perhaps even 7% — a performance unmatched since the glory days of the '90s boom.

Although growth is likely to slow somewhat between now and the end of the year, most analysts think that it will remain strong enough to ensure a second-half growth rate of 5%.

That would put the current period nearly on par with late 1999, when the combination of a rollicking stock market and fear of the Y2K computer problem set off a business buying spree unmatched since.

"We've already seen higher-tempo growth, and everything seems to be falling into place for a full recovery," said Allen Sinai, chief economist with Decision Economics in New York.

But Sinai and many other economists stop just short of saying that a self-sustaining recovery is underway. "I want to see more evidence," said the veteran forecaster.

The reluctance of analysts to declare a recovery is made up in equal parts of past forecast failures, doubts about corporate America's investment plans and genuine confusion over what's happening in the nation's labor markets.

Their uncertainty crops up in a variety of ways. Among them: a sudden infatuation with off-beat economic indicators like cardboard box sales, and a tendency to offer forecasts that take away with one hand what they offer with the other.

Some prominent forecasters, for example, think that the economy will grow quickly in the first half of 2004, but then slow in the second half. Others say that it will grow like gangbusters the entire year, but do little to bring down unemployment.

The confusion is driving the political world nuts, because 2004 is not just any year, but a presidential election year.

"Politicians would love some certainty about which way the economy is going, but they're not getting it," said Karlyn Bowman, a polling expert with the American Enterprise Institute in Washington. "It makes it terribly hard to plan a campaign."

These difficulties may be especially troublesome for President Bush, whose father's administration was brought down by a sour economy and whose own ratings as an economic manager have never been particularly high.

If there's any consensus about the economy's likely effect on the presidential campaign, it seems to be a view articulated by Los Angeles economist Donald Straszheim.

"The economy will be improving enough by election day [that] it won't be a big negative for the president," Straszheim said.

The current cycle of recession and recovery has confused economists from the get-go. Instead of the traditional pattern of overstretched consumers reducing demand, causing business to cut production, lay off workers and push the economy into recession, events seemed to run in reverse order.

An overextended corporate sector suddenly slashed its purchases of everything from factories to fiber-optic cable, forcing layoffs and a downturn. Aggressive interest-rate reductions by the Federal Reserve, then a string of tax cuts by the Bush administration, have kept consumers spending while the economy has awaited a return of business investment and rehiring.

In the view of economic optimists, a reverse-order recovery is well underway.

The latest earnings reports show that corporate America has slashed its way back to profitability. With 322 of the 500 companies in the Standard & Poor's index reporting by Friday, earnings for the just-finished third quarter were 19.5% above last year on revenue growth of 7.6%, according to Joseph Cooper with earnings analyst Thomson First Call. Most of the improvement is due to cost cutting, Cooper said.

Companies have used some of their newfound profits to invest, if not in new factories, then at least in equipment. Business equipment and software investment grew at an 8.3% pace in the April-through-June quarter and is thought to have climbed at an even steeper 15% rate in the July-through-September quarter.

"Contrary to the popular story that it's all the consumer, the fastest-growing sector of the economy in the last six months has been business investment in business equipment," said John Lipsky, chief economist of J.P. Morgan Chase & Co. in New York.

As business investment has picked up, so, according to the optimists, have other parts of the economy. The beleaguered manufacturing sector has shown some signs of revival. Railroads, truckers and package delivery firms have registered their first sustained growth of volume in three years.

"It is no longer an economy being driven solely by the consumer sector whose growth is being largely offset by a contraction in the business sector," said James W. Paulsen, chief economist with Wells Capital Management in Minneapolis.

The reverse order of the recovery provides optimists with a ready answer for what is widely seen as the single greatest threat to the current comeback: the lack to date of any appreciable growth in jobs.

In a traditional recovery, companies start to rehire within a few months of an economic pickup, setting off a virtuous cycle of increased demand, greater production, still more hires and so forth.

But now, so the optimist's account goes, firms delay new hiring until the last possible moment in favor of boosting the productivity, or output per hour, of their existing workers.

Productivity has defied expectations and continued growing during the recent recession and post-recession period, most recently at a stunning 7% pace, according to the Labor Department. By contrast, private nonfarm payrolls have fallen by more than 1 million since the official November 2001 end of the recession. The job market broke a seven-month losing streak in September, but just barely, by adding 57,000 positions.

Nevertheless, some prominent optimists, especially in the administration, believe that the moment for new hiring has finally arrived.

Treasury Secretary John W. Snow surprised analysts last week by predicting that the economy would begin adding jobs at a pace of 200,000, rather than 57,000, a month from now through the end of next year — a total of more than 2 million positions. Although refusing to offer specific numbers, N. Gregory Mankiw, chairman of the president's Council of Economic Advisors, appeared to back Snow up — to a degree.

"GDP growth is going to be robust," Mankiw said in a Friday interview. "And historically, robust GDP growth translates into job growth."

But, Mankiw added, "one would like more than historical correlation; one would like to see the job growth."

And that, in a nutshell, is the optimists' quandary.

The current period has so defied historical norms that it has left many analysts in doubt about when — or even if — the economy will start adding back jobs in substantial numbers. And it has left them equally in doubt about what will happen if it doesn't.

"We know that in the modern business cycle, the last beneficiary is the job market," said Decision Economics' Sinai. "We don't know when job growth will pick up and, if it doesn't, whether the recovery can continue."

There are tentative signs that the nation will not have to confront the prospect of a permanently jobless recovery. New claims for unemployment compensation benefits, which have been running above 400,000 a week for much of the year, have stayed below the 400,000 mark for four weeks now. More important, continuing claims have fallen by 100,000 to 3.5 million in the last month, suggesting the pace of hiring is beginning to pick up.

Besides, say some analysts, if there is any lesson from the last few years, it's that Americans with jobs will keep right on consuming whether or not they have doubts about their economic prospects.

But consumers also have been buoyed by tax cuts and mortgage refinancing. Many analysts believe that the combination was responsible for much of the economy's stellar performance in the just-finished quarter, but worry that those spurs to growth are now largely spent.

The recent comeback in the stock market and the repairs it has made to people's portfolios could help take the place of those factors. But new growth really awaits the addition of new jobs. When those will appear in substantial numbers is an open question.

So too is whether the economy helps or hurts the president's reelection chances.



To: FaultLine who wrote (14119)10/28/2003 2:58:14 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793742
 
Those of you who have been around since the start of this thread know that one of my interests is following the Career of LA Police Chief Bill Bratton. He has just completed his first year on the job. His "Comstat" program is up and working. He has been everything I hoped he would be. He would be my choice to clean up the FBI. God, if we could only find more people in Government like him!
____________________________________________

Bratton Touts a Year of Progress at the LAPD
By Megan Garvey and Richard Winton
Times Staff Writers

October 28, 2003

William J. Bratton arrived here a year ago with an outsized reputation, an ego to match and a bold promise: He would make Los Angeles the safest big city in America.

"I will not fail you. I will not fail this department. And I will not fail this city," the slightly built Boston native promised as he was pinned with the badge of Chief of the Los Angeles Police Department.

But after less than a month on the job, Bratton entertained a rare moment of doubt. There was a surge in killings — 16 in one five-day stretch in November. Soon, it became clear the department would, that year — for the first time — handle more homicides than any other city in the nation.

"I was extraordinarily frustrated," Bratton recalled in a recent interview. "I was questioning what I had gotten myself into."

After Rodney King, the riots, the Rampart scandal and years of unflattering portrayals in the media, Bratton, 56, took command of the LAPD confident that he knew what was wrong with the once-vaunted police force.

Arrests were down. Many communities viewed officers with suspicion. Veteran officers had left the force. Gang units were largely dismantled. Most detectives worked day shifts, and were home during the city's high-crime hours. Sick days were high, and many officers were, as Bratton called it, "missing in action, conscientious objectors."

A year later, Bratton touts a turnaround from the previous two years, when crime was going up. Homicides are down 23% over the same period last year, with all violent crime down 4.5%. Arrests are up 12%. Complaints against police also have risen by 12% during Bratton's watch.

Compared with crime statistics of other large American cities, only Los Angeles appears headed toward a significant drop in homicides this year. Although many experts caution against reading too much into any one year of statistics, Bratton differs.

"Crime just doesn't change on its own," Bratton said, "particularly when it goes down as dramatically as it has."

"Other than changes in the Police Department with very strong and specific focus on crime reduction — particularly gang crime — you'd be hard-pressed to identify anything else that would have prompted it," he said.

In his first report card, the civilian-run police commission that hired him concluded on Oct. 14 that Bratton's overall performance "exceeds all standards." Police Commission President David S. Cunningham, the lone vote last year on the commission to retain former LAPD Chief Bernard C. Parks, said Bratton has changed how he thinks about crime.

"I believed increasing crime was largely a matter of socioeconomic issues. But the chief has shown that with good policing, you can reduce crime." Cunningham said. "He has gotten that message out to the community and in particular in the south part of the city.... Meetings have gone from complaints and griping to people participating and working together to take back the streets."

The brash East Coast native has suffered missteps, has stepped on toes, failed to win City Hall funding for more officers and lost a public battle with the burglar alarm industry.

Still, in a city with few political stars, Bratton has made a quick mark.

Hit the Ground Running

Bratton began remaking the department from the start, determined to disprove the widely held opinion that an outsider would not fare well in the insular LAPD family.

The day after the pomp and circumstance of his installation, Bratton called a meeting of the 114 members of his command staff. As they sat in rows in a dark-paneled room at the Police Academy, bouquets of lilies brought from the earlier festivities gave the gathering the look and smell of a wake.

He let those present know he was hearing rumors that some unhappy with his appointment had boasted that they planned to coast into retirement. Bratton said he would not tolerate such attitudes, which he characterized as stealing from the public.

I will make your life miserable, Bratton warned would-be slackers.

Within months, no assistant chiefs and only two deputy chiefs from the previous administration remained; the others retired, were demoted or otherwise moved out.

"In the past, a new chief would come in, but the LAPD administrators would undermine them," said Sgt. Ron Cato, who is president of a foundation representing African American officers. "By putting in his own people, he was able to push through changes successfully."

To a large extent, Bratton credits the successes of the past year to the policing methods he brought with him, emphasizing officer responsiveness and accountability through a crime tracking system called Compstat.

Bratton, as did Parks, keeps nearly round-the-clock work hours and demands a brisk pace from those under his command. In late August, a month after Compstat was fully operational, Bratton grilled a detective supervisor about a series of violent holdups near the Blue Line station in Watts. As the supervisor stalled, trying to count the number of crimes that appeared on a screen projecting a map of the area near 103rd and Grandee Avenue, Bratton flashed his temper.

"You've got a major problem here. Find out what the hell is going on," he snapped in a voice easily heard by the 200 officers gathered for the weekly crime review meeting.

East Coast Roots

Bratton came to the West Coast after a lifetime in the East, where he grew up in a working-class Boston Irish Catholic family dreaming of becoming a cop. The wiry man joined the Boston Police Department at age 21.

By the time he and his fourth wife, TV legal analyst Rikki Klieman, moved to Los Angeles last year, Bratton was known more as a regular on the New York night scene than for his hardscrabble roots. He is a sharp dresser with a taste for Hermes ties, monogrammed shirts, cuff links and expensive suits.

Bratton and his old boss, former New York Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani, had waged a long and public feud over credit for that city's dramatic downturn in crime that culminated with Bratton's departure in 1996 after he appeared, solo, on the cover of Time magazine.

He worked as a highly paid security consultant, but the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks got Bratton thinking about returning to police work.

Los Angeles Mayor James K. Hahn, for his part, said he has no problem with the attention Bratton commands. He said his choice for chief has met virtually all the goals he outlined for the candidates who vied for the job last year.

The two men try to meet each week, sometimes going out for lunch, sometimes eating in the mayor's office.

"I want to keep reminding him that I have a lot riding on him," Hahn said. "I don't mind if he is on the front page of the magazine or he's on TV. Everyone will know that I'm the mayor who picked him. I don't mind that he likes the spotlight because that puts him on the spot, and he's the one I need to make the city safer."

A Good Start

During his first weeks on the job, Bratton and Hahn traveled around the city, listening to residents' concerns. At a meeting in Highland Park at the LAPD Historical Museum, Bratton lingered over a display case containing paraphernalia from "Dragnet," the TV show he watched as a boy.

Even before assuming command, Bratton had observed the LAPD as part of the team monitoring the department's compliance with a series of court-ordered reforms begun after the Rampart corruption scandals. Bratton said the LAPD's style had grown passive and ridiculed it as "smile and wave."

LAPD officers, he believed, were more worried about staying out of the department's disciplinary system or being labeled racist than they were about fighting crime.

In part, Bratton saw it as the fault of a micro-managed department that he believed had become mired in frivolous citizen complaints at the cost of morale. He liked to cite the complaint of one woman, who said she had been abducted by aliens, which took months to resolve, working its way up to the highest levels of police headquarters at Parker Center.

Bratton vowed to pursue "assertive policing" while denouncing the beatings, thefts and evidence-planting that had plagued the Rampart Division's former gang unit.

"You will not break the law to enforce the law," he warned repeatedly.

He asked that citizens, too, understand the difference.

He quickly identified Skid Row, MacArthur Park and Hollywood as targets for his belief that attention to minor crime leads to less major crime. Downtown, he enthusiastically joined in sweeps of parolees and homeless people — and promptly faced a lawsuit by the American Civil Liberties Union.

Ramona Ripston, executive director of the ACLU, called Bratton a reformer who has "changed the culture of the department somewhat." Nonetheless, she had strong objections toward his get-tough approach to the homeless.

"He seems to think putting the homeless in jail is the answer," Ripston said. "We sued the police for not only the way they rounded up the homeless but how they search them without cause, and we won."

But vocal complaints about the chief are rare. In the San Fernando Valley, where a perceived lack of police services was part of the political impulse in the failed secession movement, Bratton bluntly told audiences that his first priority was fighting crime where it was concentrated, mostly in South and Central L.A.

Police response times citywide have gone from 7.7 minutes in 2000 to 10.5 minutes as of Aug. 1, and longer in the Valley, but the rise has not created problems for the new chief.

In South Los Angeles, which bore the brunt of last year's spike in homicides, Bratton told residents that they needed to work with the police to make their neighborhoods safer.

Last November, protesters marched in front of Parker Center after LAPD officers, saying they were acting in self-defense, shot at a car that then crashed in South Los Angeles. Two teenage passengers died.

Told the pickets were carrying placards urging him to "control his officers," Bratton snapped back: "Control your kids."

He soon redirected personnel to South Los Angeles, increasing from 1,100 to more than 1,300 the number of officers or patrol deployments in the South Bureau as well as deploying specialized gang units.

Najee Ali, executive director of Project Islamic Hope and a frequent LAPD critic in the past, said the chief's actions so far have won over some skeptics, including him.

"Bratton's tough talk initially shocked people," Ali said, noting that Bratton openly labeled gang members "thugs." "People have never heard a chief tell it like it is. It was the people who could take back the neighborhoods from the gangs. He inspires."

For the first time in his career, Bratton said, "there is no pointing the finger of blame at the police, and I am fascinated by that ... particularly in this city where there had been so much anger directed at the police over the last 30 years."

Revamping Discipline

As he has in other cities before, Bratton began making good-faith gestures to the rank and file. Parks had forbidden the use of a type of leather utility belt because he didn't care for how it looked. Bratton rescinded the ban.

Officers had long asked to be allowed to carry the lighter and more modern .40-caliber Glock pistols. Bratton obliged.

Most significant, he almost immediately revamped the hated disciplinary system, calling for minor complaints to be addressed quickly by allowing a supervisor to refer such matters for dispute resolution, rather than formal investigation.

Public complaints have risen in the 12 months since Bratton arrived, up from 3,178 to 3,564. Bratton, as did Hahn, said that with a rise in arrests, he expected a rise in complaints. Neither believes it signals an upswing in problems with officer conduct.

Bratton is "the light at the end of the tunnel," said Bob Baker, president of the Police Protective League, the union representing about 9,000 current officers.

"People outside this department just don't understand how dark the days had gotten here before his arrival," said Baker, whose union was openly hostile to Parks. "The man listens ... that's rare for a chief."

Despite their good relationship, the union played a role in one of Bratton's most bitter disappointments, his failure to fund the hiring of 320 more officers.

Asked by Bratton to back his plan, union leaders largely sat out the bruising fight in the City Council, making it known that they were more concerned with upcoming contract negotiations. Not long after the council voted down the plan, citing budgetary constraints, it gave officers a 9% raise over three years.

For Bratton, the May battle marked his first major misstep as chief and a hard lesson in L.A. politics. In a 48-hour media blitz with the mayor, Bratton warned council members that unless they paid for more officers, they might be clearing the way for Osama bin Laden. During his campaign, he likened himself to Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower being turned back from Normandy just before D-Day.

The remarks drew strong rebukes from council members, who had approved his appointment, 14-1. Bratton said he did not understand what the fuss was all about. He said he would not back down or apologize.

Days later, Bratton softened his brash style, signing a written apology.

Even former LAPD Chief Daryl F. Gates, who constantly feuded with politicians, said he knew better than to belittle council members.

Despite Bratton's sometimes unconventional approach, he has retained support across a wide range of Los Angeles political leaders.

Notably quiet about the new chief's performance, however, has been Parks, elected last year to the council.

"I think it's premature and somewhat unfair to judge a chief in so short a time," he said when asked last week to assess Bratton's performance.

Bratton, who has entertained the idea of running for public office, insists he will stay for his full five-year term as chief.

"I'm not going anywhere," Bratton said this summer. "I just bought a $1.5-million home. I get a pension out of this place after five years that's worth a fortune. My wife has just changed jobs. We happen to like living in Los Angeles. Why would I want to leave?"

Times staff writers Andrew Blankstein and Jessica Garrison contributed to this report.

latimes.com



To: FaultLine who wrote (14119)10/28/2003 3:11:01 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 793742
 
For all you FOX lovers and haters out there. An interview with Roger Ailes. "Broadcasting and Cable News."
_____________________________________________________

Roger's Balancing Act
Fox's Ailes shakes up the news status quo
By Staff -- Broadcasting & Cable, 10/27/2003


No one in the TV news business is more controversial than Roger Ailes. Every time he chants his "fair and balanced" mantra, the Fox News chairman sends news executives at both broadcast and cable network executives squirming or screaming. Squirming because the slogan essentially accuses rivals of slanting their coverage; screaming because many of them believe that Fox News and Ailes are slanted as far to the right as, say, Al Franken is to the left.

But Fox News works. The seven-year-old network has displaced CNN as the No. 1 cable news network. On an average, non-crisis night, Fox News attracts more viewers than CNN ever did. Initially driven by the combative style of The O'Reilly Factor, Fox News this year started beating CNN in every daypart, be it talk or straight news. And in recent months, Fox News has even started beating CNN's rating for major, breaking news.

Fox News hasn't managed to establish a platform for policymakers like the influential Meet the Press. It doesn't have the textured approach of the major broadcast-network newscasts. And it hasn't invested in long-form and investigative pieces on the order of PBS's Frontline. But it speaks in a news voice that resonates with millions of viewers who feel their views are slighted by other media.

That's why Ailes was selected BROADCASTING & CABLE's first-ever Television Journalist of the Year. Under him, Fox News is kicking tail.

"Nobody ever came on the [cable] scene in a genre and took the frontrunner and overtook the first position," Ailes boasts. "Fox was the first one to do that."

His roots in TV go back to the early 1960s, when he was a producer on The Mike Douglas Show. But he's far better-known for his 25 years as communications consultant for Republican political candidates.

He returned to TV in 1993, taking charge of CNBC and making financial-news networks more like ESPN, filled with stats and covering market players like star quarterbacks.

Ailes says his "broad life experience" makes him a better journalist than guys who spent college "listening to some pathetic professor who has been on the public dole all his life and really doesn't like this country much."

Ailes sat down with B&C's John M. Higgins and Allison Romano to discuss TV's coverage of Iraq, questions of Fox News' own biases, CNN, and his feisty reputation. An edited transcript follows.

Much of the drumbeat leading up to the Iraq war—that the U.S. faced imminent threat of weapons of mass destruction—hasn't panned out. Did the networks and the rest of the media let down their audience by not fully informing them?

It's easy, in hindsight, to say this was oversold or that the media over-covered it. It seems to me that, if 15 countries in the United Nations declare that the weapons of mass destruction exist and are some sort of imminent threat, not to cover that would have been irresponsible. It was, I believe, national policy, under Clinton, to remove Saddam Hussein and go to war, if necessary.

But the bottom line is the media are supposed to be informing their audience.

Well, they had to go with 15 countries' intelligence sources telling them that they exist. And the media, at some point, has to listen to somebody. They can't sit in a room and say 15 countries have determined that these exist; let's go out and announce that they don't exist.

What's your evidence for they don't exist? It seems to me that, if any media organization had had any evidence that they didn't exist, they would have reported it. They went along, certainly, with the sources they had. But that's what journalists do. They listen to their sources.

In hindsight, should the media have done something different?

If they had additional sources beyond what they reported and didn't report it, then the media made a mistake. But I have no knowledge of that. Knowing Andrew Heyward, or Neil Shapiro, or Walter Isaacson, if they had some other information, they're good enough journalists that they would have reported it. Every journalist I know is even being a little careful about going out and saying they don't exist. Because, tomorrow, they could find some.

True. So how are the media doing on Iraq now?

They're going back, trying to dig their way out and rewrite history and pretend all the other stuff never happened. They're taking a critical look at it, examining sources. But they did that all along.

I was surprised, the night of the Baghdad attack when [CBS News President] Andrew Heyward told me, "Well, of course, I want America to win the war. I can't say I don't take a position."

I wouldn't go that far. I would say, of course, I can be objective about the war and the coverage of the war. But, as a United States citizen, do I want the Taliban to win and subjugate all the women and execute people in stadiums? No, I'm sort of opposed to that. The concept that the journalists are totally objective is crazy. They have friends. They have an education. They've gone to some school where some professor spun their brain out. They've got a view of life. They've got history. They've got parents. They've got people they like and socialize with. They have a view based on their experience. And they bring all that to journalism. Their job is to try to sort through that and get to as much truth as they can get to, which is what we do, every day.

Polls say that a big chunk of the public believes Hussein was directly involved in the 9/11 attacks, which even the government says isn't true. Does that bother you?

I can't cure all the ills of the world. A lot of things bother me.

What you're saying is that, if they don't agree with what you perceive to be the truth, there's something wrong with that. We should always try to find the truth and tell the truth, and I believe we have done that. We have never gone out with a story that said there is some absolute connection between Iraq and the 9/11 incident.

Is the public not smart?

They may not be as informed. They're very smart, and they catch on quickly, and they can process different sources. Something as powerful as The New York Times—which other journalists think is the Bible—can generate public opinion in one direction, whether it's valid or not. That's why it was such a blow to them, when they found out some guy was making it up.

I never said there was only Jayson Blair over there. I often said there were other people making it up that haven't been caught yet. But what you're suggesting is that all information put out by news sources be pure and never disagree with each other. That would be great, if there were an absolute truth and everybody knew it and everybody told it. But I'm not convinced that it's that simple.

A recent study by The Program on International Policy Attitudes surveyed consumers on their misconceptions about Iraq. The ones with the fewest misconceptions were NPR listeners, PBS viewers and print-media readers. The ones with the greatest number of misconceptions were Fox News watchers.

All of it depends on how you ask those questions, I'm absolutely convinced. I know the misconceptions at NPR. I know the agenda. There are no conservatives on NPR. None. You can't get one. There are liberals and conservatives out there, and, you know what, neither of them are right all the time. And so for you to think that the misconceptions come from Fox News Channel, and the American people think that the misconceptions come from some of these other places, you could take that position. But I don't trust any surveys completely.

We don't eliminate the liberal point of view over here at all. That's why Susan Estridge, Geraldine Ferraro, Eleanor Clift, Ellen Ratner and all those people get paychecks from the Fox News Channel. And not one of them has ever been told what to say, or what their opinion should be, or how they should attack somebody, or say or do anything. We don't eliminate anybody's point of view over here.

Do you think like a conventional journalist?

I hope not. At times, there's a little bit too much group-think in journalism. And I am constantly trying to find out what the facts are, and present the facts. To my knowledge, we have never covered up facts. We have never had to retract a story. We have never had to go on and say, listen, we did something totally dishonest.

Geraldo Rivera claiming to stand on "hallowed ground" following a friendly-fire incident in Afghanistan comes to mind.

We asked him to apologize for a rookie mistake. He got off the helicopter, had one source; it was a Northern Alliance source. He said this was a friendly-fire incident or something. He went to air with it, immediately. He should have checked it with another source. We apologize for jumping the gun. We thought it was a rookie mistake. Sorry.

But we haven't had a Tailwind, where you have 200 journalists for two years do a report and have to retract it and pay hundreds of thousands of dollars in fines. That's a little different kind of a situation. Have we had a reporter make a mistake here or there? Yeah. And we've immediately gone to air with it.

You didn't grow up as a journalist.

Of course, I've been a journalist. I was in the Oval Office the night Neal Armstrong landed on the moon, and I'm the guy who coordinated the journalistic coverage for all the networks for the White House. But I was the guy who decided to set up the split screen between the Earth and moon, because we had two video feeds.

That was when you were still working for the Nixon White House.

I did the Mike Douglas show, and I did the first weeks of politicians' wives. I did coverage at Hubert Humphrey's home in Waverly, Minn. Had his wife on as a co-host. I'm the guy who booked Sherri Finkbine [who sought an abortion in 1962 after taking Thalidomide while pregnant] and did that story in the '60s. I did four specials with Malcolm X in the '60s. I was in the balcony of the church when the riots broke out in Cleveland when Louie Lomax was debating Malcolm X on the ballot or the bullet. It depends on what you call journalism. Was I part of it? Did I report some world history? Did I have to fight my way out of that church? Yeah, I did.

I've had a broad life experience that doesn't translate into going to the Columbia journalism school. That makes me a lot better journalist than some guys who had to listen to some pathetic professor who has been on the public dole all his life and really doesn't like this country much and hates the government and hates everybody and is angry because he's not making enough money.

Yeah, I've been out there. I've had three or four or five different jobs. I've been in situations. I've covered poverty. I've covered urban renewal in Canada. I covered Frank Lloyd Wright, did shows with his wife. I booked Martin Luther King, and sat in rooms like this with Martin Luther King and talked to him.

So I just never got to Columbia. But I actually have experience that a lot of journalists don't about real-life situations and figures. So I would call that a very solid journalism background, to make judgments every day about what is honest, what is fair, what informs the public, and so on. You don't have to have a degree to be a journalist.

Well, I don't know anybody who says that.

So I have respect for Walter Cronkite. I have respect for Dan Rather and Brokaw and Jennings. ... I've known Tom for 20 to 25 years, and he's very good. You can drop him anywhere on any story, he'll put it together, very professionally, and bring it to you.

Peter has a tremendous amount of world experience. He's traveled the globe, and he has a tremendous amount of reporting experience. Rather was one of the great street reporters of all time, from the Kennedy assassination on. I have differences with them sometimes in how they present it or what their own views are. But you can't argue with their ability as journalists or their background, or what have you. But I don't know what their degrees are. What matters to me is their body of work.

So are you in the news business, or are you in the programming and packaging business? And are those mutually exclusive?

Most people get their news from television. Look, there's a certain element of the melding with show business or entertainment—line blurring, as Don Hewitt says. Entertainment and news should always be separate, but you should walk right up to the line and get your toe on it. But just not get over it. Too much of what's going on today gets over it. So I don't have any problem with this that a lot of print people do.

What I'm asking you to do is get here, tell a story, and reach out to a point of view you don't agree with, and be sure that it's fair in that particular piece. If somebody asks you to do a story on abortion, it's very hard, because there are no pro-life women working in newsrooms anywhere in New York. So if a woman gets on that story, you're going to have trouble getting that story.

No pro-life women at all?

None. Well, there probably are, but they're undercover. They will never acknowledge it. I've been told by many women they'll never acknowledge that position in a job interview; they'd never get hired in a news organization.

So that particular story is a very difficult story to do for journalists because there are sincere people, from both sides, who have views on that. It's very hard to get that story done with the fairness that recognizes what many people believe to be a life and other people believe to be a woman's right to choose. That's a particularly tough story to do.

What do you think Fox News' contributions and innovations have been?

We've proved that we get larger audiences to cable news than anybody in American history, for one thing. We cover a broader spectrum than most people. We say it's fair and balanced. The American people don't actually believe we present more points of view. Everybody knows that Ralph Nader got more airtime here than any place else when he ran for president.

And we present broad views. We don't eliminate it. Bias has to do with the elimination of points of view, not presenting a point of view. So we don't. That's somewhat stunning to some of the people in the business. We treat all points of view with respect. I saw the guy from the Green Party on last night. He had 15 minutes to sell the Green Party.

We've changed fewer shows than any network in history. This is our seventh anniversary. And no brand in cable has ever come in and taken down a frontrunner from behind. MTV created a great brand. History created a great brand. CNN created a great brand. Nobody ever came on the scene in a genre and overtook the first position. Fox was the first one to do that.

We also have a very high morale and a very low turnover here. That is very helpful in running a news organization. When I left NBC, 82 people left the NBC system—either CNBC, NBC or America's Talking. Eighty-two people in something like four months left to come here, and there was no network here.

So if Fox News is fair and balanced, then why do so many other people not believe it?

Because they're getting their ass beaten.

It's not just CNN. It's not just competition.

Look, we're doing something that is forcing them—including the New York Times and the LA Times—to examine how their journalism's being presented.

When the editor of the LA Times sends a memo to his desk [about an abortion story], which basically says, 'I know we're all liberals, but shouldn't we be a little more fair and balanced about this issue', that memo gets leaked. Well, in 50 years of journalism, they never thought to be fair and balanced before we get on the scene.

Now, suddenly, they're putting it in their internal memos? You never heard the words "fair and balanced" in 50 years of television journalism? Because they thought they were fair and balanced but the American people didn't. And now, somehow, we're being criticized for bringing it up? Sorry. We're making a major contribution.

Well, no. People don't criticize you because they think you are actually fair and balanced. It's because they think that you're not.

We're saying "fair and balanced" when, in fact, [other journalists] still believe they're right. They still think that not presenting two points of view is a good idea. If they could point to one story, one news story, where we've eliminated a second point of view, I would listen to them. They can't.

So you think the New York Times and the LA Times are comfortable being liberal?

Well, they've become advocacy journalism. You either do it, or you don't. And they do it. [Former New York Times Editor Howell] Raines clearly was driving an agenda. I called Howell. I forget the story. It was their Afghanistan coverage. There was some stuff ... that wasn't true. We had guys on the ground, and so I called him up and said, "Howell, You're going to get an award for fiction here." He said, "I'm hanging up." I said, "You don't seem to have a sense of humor, Howell." He said, "I don't have one about journalism." So then, later, when Jayson Blair happened, I sent a note and just said, "Maybe it's time to develop a sense of humor about journalism."

If you think they're comfortable being advocates, why do you get your back up if somebody says you run a right-wing, Republican network?

I don't at all. I don't at all. As a matter of fact, I've been quoted as saying, "Please keep doing that; it's driving viewers to us every day." The more they call us that, the more viewers watch us, because the American people think the rest of the media is too liberal.

If we were doing something fraudulent, the American people would turn us off. They'd just turn us off. They're not stupid. Most injuries in journalism are caused by journalists falling off their egos onto their IQs. The concept that journalism knows and the public knows nothing and they're idiots is wrong.

Now, those people who believe that they were appointed to journalism to help these stupid masses get through life have a right to do that. And the public gets a right to decide whether they buy that paper or watch that show.

What is Fox News not doing enough of?

We keep looking at trying to figure out how to do more long-form, which is very expensive. We're working on a special on education; we're working on a special on the environment. I believe there are issues that are longer, broader that television doesn't do very well, because we tend to live for the moment or everybody chases the Laci Peterson case or they move to the next event.

Journalism has a bias for pictures and mistakes and attacks—print and television. If people give you a picture, give you a mistake, or give you an attack, I guarantee you, there will be a lot of real news, during that 24 or 48 hours, that won't get covered. I'm interested in the environment, and nobody covers it well. I frankly think neither party does a very good job at it. The Democrats demagogue it; the Republicans ignore it.

So we don't do a good job of covering that. But it's the budget. I'm living with 25% to 30% of the people CNN has. It's a resource issue. It's a time issue. It's a public-focus issue. It's how to make that interesting. We have an obligation to the form. We tend to follow things, rather than lead. And part of that is just the nature of the business.

So Fox News is guilty of the pictures, attacks, mistakes bias?

It may be a little less so, because I preach about it. I get mad when I see us going off on that. But, yeah, if a guy jumps in a white van and runs down the San Diego freeway right now, it will be who can get the helicopter over that the fastest.

I'm very aware of it, and I immediately look for alternatives. ... I'm going to cover it because I'm not crazy enough to hand my audience away. But I'd make us 2% less guilty than the others because I'm actually aware of it and preach it.

How about television's one-note coverage of things like Laci Peterson?

What happens is that we've become a business of what blows the previous story off the headlines. And then there are stories, when there are voids, that everybody comes back to. In the case of Laci Peterson, it's a classic tabloid murder case: attractive wife, attractive husband, a little baby, unbelievable horror story. And most men think the guy should probably get the chair just for the alibi. He went fishing on Christmas Eve? That's as dumb an alibi as I've ever heard in my entire life. But it's not news. It's not news. There's news whenever there's news: An autopsy report comes out, or the guy makes a break for the Mexican border. That's 45 seconds a day or 45 seconds a week. But part of, frankly, cable television is filling time because you are doing 160 hours a week and you don't have the resources.

You could fill it all with fresh news, but you don't have 150 crews in action with satellite dishes.

Peter Chernin said you were thinking of starting up a couple of new cable channels, including a business-news network. What are your plans?

We've talked about it. I'm not in development for new channels at the moment. This may be at a higher pay grade than I am. There should be competition in the business arena. Fifty percent of what CNBC does is infomercials. I ran CNBC for 21/2 years and turned it around. I made it profitable. It was also a lot better to watch. There have been no innovations since then. They said their ratings are down because the markets are down. Now the markets are going back up, and their ratings aren't. It seems to me maybe it's in how they cover stories, what they cover, produce; who the talent is. It's the same old story: Are you creating an interesting network or not? Or do you just run the infomercials, overnight and all weekend.

But entertainment networks run infomercials.

There are a lot of things on entertainment channels I disagree with. Picking up dead rats with your teeth and putting them in buckets. I don't find that particularly entertaining. Driving over a cliff with a car full of cockroaches. That's not my idea of entertainment. Some people think that's fun. I don't. It's stupid and demeaning. I don't personally like it. Would I censor it? No, you've got a right to do it.

What do you like to watch on television?

I watch documentaries, the History Channel, MTV because their techniques are interesting even though I find some of the content weird. I pay a lot of attention to the graphics and the sound and how they work. I watch Fox's 24 —that's a good thriller-type show—Leno, Letterman, the Today show. But I don't watch sitcoms. I don't find them particularly funny. I find them often in bad taste and weird.

The Daily Show is actually pretty good. Jon Stewart is a talented guy, and he's funny. He kids us all the time, so I see tapes, and I think, "That's pretty funny, actually." He's always doing a take-off on Geraldo or a take-off on Fox News or Fox.

What do you look for in your anchors and correspondents?

Likeability. Whether I enjoy sitting down and talking to them, having fun, having a beer and just talking about world events. There's also certain cosmetic factor to it. I tell John Gibson he's just so good-looking I couldn't turn him down. There also a certain feel that I get. They walk in, and, if they're negative, they make you nuts. Negative people make positive people sick. They'll make you physically ill. I tell my people, if you ask somebody how they're doing, and they actually tell you, "Oh, I ran over my dog. My car won't work. I don't feel good. I've got a sore throat," get the hell away from them. They'll destroy your career and ruin your life. You must try to get around people who are fairly positive and stay there. I probably look for that in my on-air talent, People who other people are going to like being around.

What else are you looking for?

I have 37 things on a list. One is who is their agent? Do I hate their agent? If I hate their agent, they have much less of a chance of getting a job here. And what's their experience level? Can they write? Do they know how to tell a story? Can they communicate in conversational ways?

The broadcast method of news is passé. There are people who are aspiring to be network news anchors, and they don't talk straight to you. This network talks directly to the people and puts it in language they understand. And that's what we try to convey, that cable does that better than broadcast.

Why did you approach the Al Franken situation as caustically as you did?

It was August. O'Reilly was in a fight. But the primary thing was that law requires us to register our marketing trademarks. Al's okay. It's just he's got an agenda. He and Bill don't get along. I defended my star. It's over, end of story.

Why do you like fights?

I don't. I hate them.

But you just bought a billboard in Atlanta right across the street from CNN that says, "Connie Come Back."

Is that funny or a fight? That's funny, not a fight. I took Walter Isaacson to lunch after he left CNN, and he said, "How come you never attacked me, Ailes?" I never attacked anybody in my life that didn't attack me first. [Former TBS Chairman and WB chief] Jamie Kellner came to town, firing away, "We're going to kick Ailes' ass." Okay. We'll send you back to California, buster. You want to fight.

If people pick a fight with me, there could be a fight. But you will not find me picking it. Over the years, there have been a lot of people that decided they were going to take me out, and we ended up in a fight. But I didn't start it. And I never threw the first punch.

[The billboard will affect CNN's] morale a little bit. How our guys feel and how their guys feel are key. Morale is key in these operations. I do understand the psychology of running an organization.

They're doing every tabloid story in the world, and they dump on Connie and fire her for doing tabloid. Give me a break. Larry King's highest ratings come because, every three weeks, he does things like Lana Turner's daughter stabbing Johnny Stompanato. That's a tabloid story from 1958. And you're worried about Laci Petersen? Paula's doing Laci Petersen out the wazoo.

I'm not arguing whether they should or they shouldn't. We're covering them, too. But I'm not sitting around saying we don't do tabloid. Of course we do. And so do they. And they owe Connie an apology. Connie's a nice woman, and she didn't do anything they're not doing now. That they are only getting half the ratings was the problem.

Don't tell me they are doing pure journalism. Oh, they're doing tabloid stories as fast as they can do them. And they humiliated Connie for doing what they hired her to do and paid her to do. It's outrageous. Don't tell me that they're doing pure journalism. They're lying through their teeth. Oh, they're doing tabloid stories as fast as they can do them.

If you're running NBC News, what do you do to fix MSNBC?

Well, they try to copy. It's like me trying to paint a Remington. It's a copy. In the end, if you can't do anything original, you're not going to win. So, every day they try to copy me, I'm thrilled.

Believe in your network. Believe in your people. Hire good people. Do good stories. Tell the stories. Be fair about it. And the American people will watch you. They can't do that because their mindset is that they're right and there are no two sides to the story. There's only their side: the journalists. They could get lucky. They are getting better all the time, and they do some things that are really good.

The American flag is still onscreen. That a permanent fixture on your air now? Does the flag really have a place on a news network?

I was at an event at the Museum of Television and Radio, and I was the only journalist in the room who happened to have an American-flag pin on. A bunch of other guys started kidding me and said, "Oh, he's from Fox; he makes everybody wear the flag." I said, "No, I'm just not like ABC; I don't insist they not wear it. You all disagree with my wearing it, and nobody here is defending my right to wear it." Morley Safer said, "Anybody who wears it on the air is pandering to the audience. Would you let a guy wear a peace symbol?" I said, "Yeah, it's not my business."

There are things I'm a little iffy on: taking babies' lives. But I'm really pro-choice on flag pins. I'm pro-choice on Haagen-Dazs ice cream. I'm pro-choice on steaks. I said, "I'm pro-choice on a lot of stuff." I said, "I thought maybe you guys could understand this better if I just gave it to you as pro-choice. I want to wear a damn flag pin, here or on the air, tough luck. And if you don't, it's none of my business." It got real quiet after that.

But the flag graphic is there all the time. Viewers don't get a choice on that.

They've got a choice. They've got a hundred channels to watch. It's a big choice. If it offends you, turn it off. I'm offended by people picking up dead rats. You know what I do? I turn it off.

So why is The New York Times an advocacy organization and Fox News' literal flag-waving is not?

And there's something wrong with flag waving? What is it? Is it immoral? Is it wrong? It's a graphic. It happened to be a graphic that most people love and are not offended by. You would feel that it was perfectly fine if somebody would wear a T-shirt with a flag on it to a rock concert, wouldn't you? It would just be the flag. It would be on a shirt. I'm not offended by a flag any time. The government is not the flag. .

But do you think the public understands the difference between patriotism and citizenship?

The American people are very, very smart. The journalists are narrow-minded, think they're avant-garde, think they're on some holy quest that they're not. The American people know that. If they're offended by the flag, they're watching somebody else. It's okay. We're not going around to homes, putting guns on people, making them watch Fox News. That's where CNN will end up, if they don't start getting better ratings.

You've reached parity with CNN on distribution and ad rates. You're not the start-up network. Are you going to be spending more on the operation?

Well, you always try to be as productive as you can with the dollars you have. We don't waste a lot of money. We don't put more crews out than we need. We try not to spend money we don't have. We just pulled back on a story in the Philippines that, when you looked at it, just wasn't cost-effective. The story wasn't that critical. It may become critical, and I may end up having to spend a lot of money to cover it, but it's not there yet. So I made a budget decision, because, if you don't stay in business, journalists don't get to work.
broadcastingcable.com



To: FaultLine who wrote (14119)10/28/2003 4:39:29 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793742
 
You didn't like Arnold? Dennis should run you right up a tree. :>) Hell, I would fly back to vote for him.
lindybill@anybodybutboxer.com
____________________________________

Miller Time?
Now that they've got the Governator, are Californian's ready for Sen. Dennis Miller?
by Bill Whalen
10/28/2003 12:00:00 AM

IS CALIFORNIA READY for Dennis Miller as its next United States senator? Laugh if you like, but some Republican strategists (including a few who just sent a certain movie star to Sacramento) see Miller, the sardonic comedian whose late-night talk show lasted just a little longer than Wesley Clark's Iowa campaign, as wholly capable of defeating incumbent Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer next year.

Yes, that's the same Dennis Miller who does commentary Friday nights on Fox News' "Hannity & Colmes"--and also has a recurring role on Fox's "Boston Public." The same Dennis Miller who was unceremoniously drop-kicked from ABC's Monday Night Football. The same comedian and author whose "Dennis Miller Live" ran for nine years on HBO, following a turn on "Saturday Night Live" as the Weekend Update anchor.

It's also the same Dennis Miller who emerged earlier this year as the loudest pro-Bush/pro-war voice in Hollywood--and, during recall, was one of Arnold's biggest boosters in the entertainment community. So supportive of the Governator was Miller that he took part in post-debate spin following the infamous Arnold-Arianna insultfest.

"There's a lot of us who'd like to see him campaign," Rob Stutzman, the governor-elect's communications director, told the Los Angeles Times in late September. "Dennis Miller is at the cutting edge of biting political commentary."

That, in fact, seems to be Miller's strongest allure--the Santa Barbara Republican's bite is as bad as his bark.

CONSIDER THIS MILLER OBSERVATION from a June "Hannity & Colmes appearance: "Folks, it has hit the fan in California, but luckily there will probably be no power later this summer in California to run the fan with. And you know something else? The California-Mexico border is now leakier than Mark Geragos on a diuretic drip. I remember thinking that the other day as I observed a traffic jam in the illegal alien lane of the San Diego freeway.

And there's this, from a "Tonight Show" appearance back in February: "I say we invade Iraq and then invade Chirac. You run a pipe--you run a pipe from the oil field right over this Eiffel Tower, shoot it up and have the world's biggest oil derrick. . . . Yeah. Listen, I would call the French scum bags, but that, of course, would be a disservice to bags filled with scum."

Miller also told Jay Leno: "You know, Jay, I used to be a liberal. You look at what happens in the state of California with untethered liberalism. Everybody in this state in charge now is a Democrat. It's no longer the San Andreas Fault, it's Gray Davis's fault. This is what happens when you elect lawyers. Shakespeare said: 'First, kill all the lawyers.' I've been doing some thinking, I think we could get away with it because if you kill all of them, at our murder trial, we wouldn't have adequate representation."

IF YOU THINK these diatribes get under the left's skin, you're right. Earlier this month, at Andre Agassi's children's fund-raiser in Las Vegas, Miller once again called the French les bags du scum. That prompted this reply from Sir Elton John: "It's not an occasion to air your political dirty laundry. When people say, 'Why do they hate us so much?' Dennis Miller."

Which is exactly the sort of righteous leftist indignation that could make California Republicans fall in love with Miller in a hurry, depending on which course the party chooses in 2004. Do California Republicans look for a Senate candidate with a record of public service and campaign experience? Or do they go the Arnold route and hitch a ride on a star? (In addition to Miller, "Frasier's" Kelsey Grammer has indicated that he'd like to run for the Senate one day.)

Regardless, Barbara Boxer is a vulnerable incumbent heading into 2004. A mid-October California Field Poll had 45 percent of registered voters giving her a third term, with 40 percent opposed. In July, it was 48-41. On the Republican side, it's a wide-open race. Bill Jones, the former secretary of state who may become a candidate, gets 24 percent of the GOP vote (Jones ran for governor in 2002, so he benefits from high name ID), followed by Assemblyman Tony Strickland (4 percent), former U.S. Treasurer Rosario Marin (3 percent), and former Los Altos Hills Mayor Toni Casey (2 percent).

In the head-to-head matchups, Boxer leads all of her would-be rivals: Jones (48-34), Strickland (50-28), Marin (50-27) and Casey (49-26). However, there's a trend that's worrisome for Democrats: Boxer doesn't top 50 percent, even against unknown opponents. That puts her in the same boat as Davis, whose own support was stuck in the low to mid-40 percent range during recall.

It's that Davis dynamic that has some strategists searching for the next Terminator. But, should he give politics a try, is Dennis Miller the kind of entertainer who translates into a popular candidate?

DURING RECALL, Arnold Schwarzenegger embodied optimism, as did Ronald Reagan in his runs for governor and president. The late congressman Sonny Bono sang, but he also played the role of straight man/likable schmo--whether he was standing next to Cher or cruising on "The Love Boat." Miller's, on the other hand, is both terribly erudite (while on post-debate spin patrol for Arnold, Miller compared Cruz Bustamante to Sancho Panza) and decidedly yuppie (the comedian endorses DirecTV and Amstel Light, not his namesake brew). Not to mention a little too edgy for some Republicans. In June, the comedian did a stand-up routine at a presidential fund-raiser in Los Angeles. When he said the West Virginia senator Robert Byrd "must be burning the cross at both ends," some in the audience booed. "Well, he was in the Klan. Boo me, but he was in the Klan," Miller responded.

Such is the challenge of a Miller candidacy--he'd be an HBO politician trying to play to a TGI Friday electorate. (He's not even the first HBO star to toy with a political run--"Sex & the City"'s Sarah Jessica Parker has told reporters that she can see herself as a U.S. Senator from New York.) In Miller's case, it's hard to imagine a candidate quicker on the draw or more withering in a debate. But, given the daily opportunity to go off on rants, he could bring to life Mort Sahl's catch-all phrase: "Is there any group I haven't offended?"

Such is a quandary for California Republicans in an age redefined by Arnold: to decide if a Dennis Miller candidacy tastes great, or is politically less filling.

Bill Whalen is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he follows California and national politics.
weeklystandard.com