SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Rick Faurot who wrote (30798)10/30/2003 10:58:18 AM
From: Rick Faurot  Respond to of 89467
 
Do as the US Says, Not as it Does

America Preaches Free Markets, but at Home it's a Different Story

by Joseph Stiglitz

Today, many emerging markets, from Indonesia to Mexico, are told that there is a certain code of conduct to which they must conform if they are to be successful. The message is clear: here is what advanced industrial countries do, and have done. To join the club, you must do the same. The reforms will be painful, vested interests will resist, but with enough political will, you will reap the benefits. Each country draws up a list of what's to be done, and each government is held accountable in terms of its performance. Balancing the budget and controlling inflation are high on the list, but so are structural reforms. In the case of Mexico,opening up the electricity industry, which Mexico's constitution reserves to the government, has become the structural reform of the day demanded by the west. So analysts praise Mexico for its progress in controlling its budget and inflation, but criticize it for lack of progress in electricity reform. As someone who was intimately involved in economic policy making in the US, I have always been struck by the divergence between the policies that America pushes on developing countries and those practiced in the US itself. Nor is America alone: most other successful developing and developed countries pursue "heretical" policies. For example, both political parties in the US now accept that when a country is in a recession, it is not only permissible, but desirable, to run deficits. Yet developing countries are told that central banks should focus exclusively on price stability. America's central bank, the Federal Reserve Board, has a mandate to balance growth, employment, and inflation - a mandate that brings it popular support. While free marketers rail against industrial policy, in the US the government actively supports new technologies, and has done so for a long time. The first telegraph line was built by the US federal government in 1842; the internet was developed by the US military; and much of modern American technological progress is based on government-funded research in biotechnology or defense.
Similarly, while many countries are told to privatize social security, America's public social security system is efficient (with transactions costs a fraction of private annuities), and customers are responsive to it. While the US social security system now faces a problem with under-funding, so does a large fraction of America's private pension programs. And the public pension system has provided the elderly with a kind of security - against inflation and the stock market - that the private market has not. Many aspects of US economic policy contribute significantly to the country's success, but are hardly mentioned in discussions of development strategies. For more than 100 years, America has had strong anti-trust laws, which broke up private monopolies in many areas, such as oil. In some emerging markets, telecom monopolies are stifling development of the internet, and hence economic growth. In others, monopolies in trade deprive countries of the advantages of international competition. The US government also played an important role in developing the country's financial markets - by providing credit directly or through government-sponsored enterprises, and by partially guaranteeing a quarter or more of all loans. Fannie Mae, the government-created entity responsible for providing mortgages for middle-class Americans, helped lower mortgage costs and played a significant role in making America one of the countries with the largest proportion of private home ownership. The Small Business Administration provided the capital to help small businesses - some of which, like Federal Express, have grown into major businesses. Today, US federal government student loans are central to ensuring that all Americans have access to a college education, just as in earlier years, government finance helped bring electricity to all Americans. Occasionally, America has experimented with free-market ideology and deregulation - sometimes with disastrous effects. President Reagan's deregulation of the savings and loan associations led to bank failures that contributed to the recession of 1991. Those in Mexico, Brazil, India and other emerging markets should be told a different message: do not strive for a mythical free-market economy, which has never existed. Do not follow the encomiums of US special interests because, although they preach free markets, back home they rely on the government to advance their aims. Instead, developing economies should look carefully, not at what the US says, but at what it did in the years when it emerged as an industrial power, and what it does today. There is a remarkable similarity between those policies and the activist measures pursued by the highly successful east Asian economies over the past two decades. · Joseph Stiglitz, professor of economics at Columbia University, is a Nobel prize winner and author of 'Globalization and Its Discontents' and' The Roaring Nineties'.

Published on Wednesday, October 29, 2003 by the Guardian/UK
© Guardian Newspapers Limited 2003



To: Rick Faurot who wrote (30798)10/30/2003 3:06:04 PM
From: Wharf Rat  Respond to of 89467
 
A "rich man's" view of class warfare...

prospect.org

The Clinton Formula
Excerpts from Michael Tomasky's interview with the former president

By Michael Tomasky
Web Exclusive: 10.29.03
Print Friendly | Email Article

The bulk of Bill Clinton's time now is devoted to his book and to the Clinton Foundation HIV/AIDS Initiative, which delivers medicines to sub-Saharan Africa and the Caribbean. But there's always time for politics. The Clinton on display here is combative, and he has some surprising things to say about how this election's crop of Democrats needs to do more than just ape what he did in 1992. But let him tell it.
Michael Tomasky: I'd like to begin by talking about the historical moment. Karl Rove wants to create a realignment along the lines of that which coalesced around the New Deal. This realignment would undo a lot of the work of the last 60 years, including, of course, a lot of your work. Do you think we're at such a turning point?
Bill Clinton: I do think it's a very important moment. Essentially, Karl Rove's politics are a combination of efforts by the increasingly conservative Republican Party to recover from the '64 election and assume a dominant position in America -- through the advocacy of ideas and policies that were designed to have more appeal to the middle class, through the use of socially conservative issues that were designed to get people to vote for them for reasons other than economic ones, and through the extraordinary ability to increase their dominance in the mainstream press [and to] have a competing right-wing press and label Democrats . . . almost turn them into cartoons in a way that got them votes from people who otherwise never would have voted for them. And that's basically been their strategy.

So they believe those things, coupled with their extraordinary ability to raise money from the people they're helping financially with the government, will enable them to pursue policies which are way to the right of where the American people are.

I don't think we're headed for a realignment. If anything, we should be realigning in the direction I took the country. When I left office we had a 65 percent job approval, or something like that, so two-thirds of the people favored my policies. And that's why they attacked me personally so much, why they tried to attack Al Gore and make him look dishonest. And to say that compared to President Bush, and their backgrounds in public life, that Gore was dishonest was ludicrous. But they got away with it.

And if you look at these tax cuts, they got a good return for their investment. I mean, people say, "Gosh, how did Bush raise $200 million, $300 million?" I say it's peanuts compared to the tax cuts he gave. It's not even a tithe, you know? Not even 1 percent!

Clinton also spoke about taxes and class warfare:
I don't think we have to do as much conscious adding to the base in the way I did it. I was never against wealth and business creation. My theory was that class warfare wouldn't take us very far, but that if we were growing jobs and growing the economy, the government then should make extra efforts to help the poor. And we did a lot of that.
Now what we should say is that they, not we, have brought class warfare back to America. You know, every time I complain about these tax cuts some conservative says I'm practicing class warfare. I am not. I pay these taxes. And I live in New York state and Westchester County, so I think I probably pay as high [of] rates as anybody in America. And I should. Nobody makes me live in this country. America has been good to me. And I think for somebody to give me a tax cut and then turn around and say, "We've gotta have $87 billion spent in Iraq, but we're gonna kick 300,000 kids out of after-school programs, 84,000 kids out of student loans . . . 25,000 uniformed police off the street? We're gonna kick a coupla thousand police off the street in New York City who put their lives on the line on September the 11th, and they're gonna give me a tax cut?" That's class warfare! And I think we ought to say that!

And the other thing I think is, we can smile when we say that. I don't want our side ever to treat the Republicans with the sort of personal animosity and contempt with which Hillary and I and Al were treated. I don't like that, I don't believe that, I don't think that's necessary. But we got to argue. And we got to fight hard. Otherwise they'll run right over us like they did in 2002.

He had this to say about the right-wing's style of practicing politics:
This is a contact sport. They're supposed to try to beat us. Now, they do things by and large that we don't think are legitimate. And lord knows they did while I was president.
But . . . nobody gags us! The press has moved way, way, way to the right. And the mainstream press was incredibly supine in the face of all this secrecy, you know, covering up the [Ronald] Reagan and [George] Bush [Senior] records, covering up the [Miguel] Estrada legal opinions, covering up the 9-11 report, covering up the global-warming deal and the air-quality issue down there [in lower Manhattan]. And it all started with putting the governor's records in the Bush presidential library. And [the press] just laid down and let it happen. But we don't have to contribute to it.

To read the complete interview, buy the November issue of the Prospect, now available at stores and newsstands.



To: Rick Faurot who wrote (30798)10/31/2003 1:08:01 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
Study: Bush donors rake in contracts

usatoday.com