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To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (30898)11/1/2003 1:24:13 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
A Big Quarter
_______________________________

By PAUL KRUGMAN
OP-ED COLUMNIST
The New York Times
October 31, 2003
nytimes.com

The Commerce Department announces very good growth during the previous quarter. Many observers declare the economy's troubles over. And the administration's supporters claim that the economy's turnaround validates its policies.

That's what happened 18 months ago, when a preliminary estimate put first-quarter 2002 growth at 5.8 percent. That was later revised down to 5.0. More important, growth in the next quarter slumped to 1.3 percent, and we now know that the economy wasn't really on the mend: after that brief spurt, the nation proceeded to lose another 600,000 jobs.

The same story unfolded in the third quarter of 2002, when growth rose to 4 percent, and the economy actually gained 200,000 jobs. But growth slipped back down to 1.4 percent, and job losses resumed.

My purpose is not to denigrate the impressive estimated 7.2 percent growth rate for the third quarter of 2003. It is, rather, to stress the obvious: we've had our hopes dashed in the past, and it remains to be seen whether this is just another one-hit wonder.

The weakness of that spurt 18 months ago was obvious to those who bothered to look at it closely. Half the growth came simply because businesses, having drawn down their inventories in the previous quarter, had to ramp up production even though demand was growing slowly. This time around growth has a much better foundation: final demand — demand excluding changes in inventories — actually grew even faster than G.D.P. So it's unlikely that growth will drop off as sharply as it did back then.

But — you knew there would be a but — there are still some reasons to wonder whether the economy has really turned the corner.

First, while there was a significant pickup in business investment, the bulk of last quarter's growth came from a huge surge in consumer spending, with a further boost from housing. These components of spending stayed strong even when the economy was weak, so there shouldn't have been any pent-up demand. Yet housing grew at a 20 percent rate, while spending on consumer durables (that's stuff like cars and TV sets) — which last year grew three times as fast as the economy — rose at an incredible 27 percent rate last quarter.

This can't go on — in the long run, consumer spending can't outpace the growth in consumer income. Stephen Roach of Morgan Stanley has suggested, plausibly, that much of last quarter's consumer splurge was "borrowed" from the future: consumers took advantage of low-interest financing, cash from home refinancing and tax rebate checks to accelerate purchases they would otherwise have made later. If he's right, we'll see below-normal purchases and slower growth in the months ahead.

The big question, of course, is jobs. Despite all that growth in the third quarter, the number of jobs actually fell. And new claims for unemployment insurance, a leading indicator for the job market, still show no sign of a hiring boom. (By the way, for the last month there's been a peculiar pattern: each week, headlines declare that new claims fell from the previous week; a week later, the past week's number is revised upward, and the apparent decline disappears.)

And unless we start to see serious job growth — by which I mean increases in payroll employment of more than 200,000 a month — consumer spending will eventually slide, and bring growth down with it.

Still, it's possible that we really have reached a turning point. If so, does it validate the Bush economic program? Well, no.

Stimulating the economy in the short run is supposed to be easy, as long as you don't worry about how much debt you run up in the process. As William Gale of the Brookings Institution puts it, "Almost any tax cut or spending increase would succeed in boosting a sluggish economy if the Federal Reserve Board follows an accommodative monetary policy. . . . The key question is, therefore, not whether the proposals provide any short-term stimulus, but whether they are the most effective way to provide stimulus." Mr. Gale doesn't think the Bush tax cuts meet that criterion, and neither do I.

To put it more bluntly: it would be quite a trick to run the biggest budget deficit in the history of the planet, and still end a presidential term with fewer jobs than when you started. And despite yesterday's good news, that's a trick President Bush still seems likely to pull off.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (30898)11/1/2003 1:32:07 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
Eyes Wide Shut

____________________________

By Maureen Dowd
Columnist
The New York Times
Thursday 30 October 2003

WASHINGTON — In the thick of the war with Iraq, President Bush used to pop out of meetings to catch the Iraqi information minister slipcovering grim reality with willful, idiotic optimism.

"He's my man," Mr. Bush laughingly told Tom Brokaw about the entertaining contortions of Muhammad Said al-Sahhaf, a k a "Comical Ali" and "Baghdad Bob," who assured reporters, even as American tanks rumbled in, "There are no American infidels in Baghdad. Never!" and, "We are winning this war, and we will win the war. . . . This is for sure."

Now Crawford George has morphed into Baghdad Bob.

Speaking to reporters this week, Mr. Bush made the bizarre argument that the worse things get in Iraq, the better news it is. "The more successful we are on the ground, the more these killers will react," he said.

In the Panglossian Potomac, calamities happen for the best. One could almost hear the doubletalk echo of that American officer in Vietnam who said: "It was necessary to destroy the village in order to save it."

The war began with Bush illogic: false intelligence (from Niger to nuclear) used to bolster a false casus belli (imminent threat to our security) based on a quartet of false premises (that we could easily finish off Saddam and the Baathists, scare the terrorists and democratize Iraq without leeching our economy).

Now Bush illogic continues: The more Americans, Iraqis and aid workers who get killed and wounded, the more it is a sign of American progress. The more dangerous Iraq is, the safer the world is. The more troops we seem to need in Iraq, the less we need to send more troops.

The harder it is to find Saddam, Osama and W.M.D., the less they mattered anyhow. The more coordinated, intense and sophisticated the attacks on our soldiers grow, the more "desperate" the enemy is.

In a briefing piped into the Pentagon on Monday from Tikrit, Maj. Gen. Raymond Odierno called the insurgents "desperate" eight times. But it is Bush officials who seem desperate when they curtain off reality. They don't even understand the political utility of truth.

After admitting recently that Saddam had no connection to 9/11, the president pounded his finger on his lectern on Tuesday, while vowing to stay in Iraq, and said, "We must never forget the lessons of Sept. 11."

Mr. Bush looked buck-passy when he denied that the White House, which throws up PowerPoint slogans behind his head on TV, was behind the "Mission Accomplished" banner. And Donald Rumsfeld looked duplicitous when he acknowledged in a private memo, after brusquely upbeat public briefings, that America was in for a "long, hard slog" in Iraq and Afghanistan.

No juxtaposition is too absurd to stop Bush officials from insisting nothing is wrong. Car bombs and a blitz of air-to-ground missiles turned Iraq into a hideous tangle of ambulances, stretchers and dead bodies, just after Paul Wolfowitz arrived there to showcase successes.

But the fear of young American soldiers who don't speak the language or understand the culture, who don't know who's going to shoot at them, was captured in a front-page picture in yesterday's Times: two soldiers leaning down to search the pockets of one small Iraqi boy.

Mr. Bush, staring at the campaign hourglass, has ordered that the "Iraqification" of security be speeded up, so Iraqi cannon fodder can replace American sitting ducks. But Iraqification won't work any better than Vietnamization unless the Bush crowd stops spinning.

Neil Sheehan, the Pulitzer Prize-winning author of "A Bright Shining Lie," recalls Robert McNamara making Wolfowitz-like trips to Vietnam, spotlighting good news, yearning to pretend insecure areas were secure.

"McNamara was in a jeep in the Mekong Delta with an old Army colonel from Texas named Dan Porter," Mr. Sheehan told me. "Porter told him, `Mr. Secretary, we've got serious problems here that you're not getting. You ought to know what they are.' And McNamara replied: `I don't want to hear about your problems. I want to hear about your progress.' "

"If you want to be hoodwinked," Mr. Sheehan concludes, "it's easy."

-------

truthout.org



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (30898)11/1/2003 2:52:41 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
This was written by The Washington Bureau Chief of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette...

commondreams.org

Bush's Half-Full Glass Looks Mighty Empty

by Ann McFeatters

Published on Friday, October 31, 2003 by the Block News Alliance

---------------------------------------

President Bush's adamant insistence that Iraq is halfway rebuilt instead of halfway torn apart -- a glass of water half-full -- is reminiscent of Ronald Reagan's manure story.

The former president's favorite story was about the little boy who found great joy in the pile of manure on the assumption it must mean there was a pony around somewhere.

Optimism is an essential ingredient of a president's arsenal of public relations tools. Americans demand it and are resentful when it is missing in the White House.

But too much optimism without a reasonable basis for it is a bad thing. And Bush is bumping up against the limit.

As the mighty Red Cross and the United Nations prepared to scale back in Iraq because of shocking attacks by Saddam Hussein loyalists, and as the death toll of Americans and Iraqis climbed ever higher, day by painful day, Bush's remarkable assurance that great progress is being made in Baghdad has made even Republicans nervous.

His demand that Congress give him $87 billion more to spend in Iraq and Afghanistan was reluctantly granted. But with many American schools crumbling and many Americans jobless, his questionable premise that the Iraqi schools and economy are rapidly being improved by American money seems risky for a man who is facing a close re-election battle with only half the voters thinking he's doing a good job.

Since we taxpayers are borrowing money we don't have (because of Bush's tax cuts) to finance the latest $87 billion bill for Iraq, we have a duty to ask what we will have to show for it. Will it be wisely spent to make Iraq stable? Will it make Iraqis grateful for their freedom and prosperity? Will our standing in the world improve?

When Bush was asked whether American troops would be coming home in another year or would still be in Iraq in force, he denounced the question as a "trick" and refused to answer. Bush should put politics aside; Americans deserve a serious response.

Bush's personal assurance that there are sufficient U.S. troops in Iraq seems hollow -- many of those soldiers are exhausted, in danger and eager to go home. They need reinforcements and backup. Defense chief Don Rumsfeld's memo that Iraq will be a mess for a long, long time has punctured the administration's equanimity.

Worse for Bush, there is worry that the administration is not leveling with the American people. It may or may not be true, as the White House insists, that the press is too harsh in assessing Iraq's lack of security. But Bush's acceptance of daily murders as the expected cost of fighting terrorism is baffling.

Six months into its occupation of Iraq, America has not failed in Iraq _ at least, not yet. And certainly there are no tears for Saddam Hussein, wherever the evil scoundrel is hiding. But a victim of the war in Vietnam, Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., is right when he says that "time is not on our side" in the need to make Iraq a functioning country again.

Bush is convinced he is right that his post-war Iraq policy is working and that his critics are wrong. It was a telling moment when he said he will assure voters next year that "the world is more peaceful and more free under my leadership and America is more secure."

Bush irrevocably has staked his presidency and U.S. credibility on what happens in Iraq. As long as Iraqis are not governing themselves, as long as women are too frightened to go to the market and many children still aren't in school, as long as electricity is still an iffy proposition, as long as looting and sabotage are rampant and corruption charges raised with nearly every U.S. contract awarded in Baghdad, as long as no one is safe in Iraq, Bush cannot claim his policy is a success.

The United States is now regarded with suspicion and resentment all over the Middle East, ill will metastasizing around the region at far too rapid a rate.

The White House should say that because of the $87 billion bill in Iraq, next year's domestic tax cut must be reduced. Bush should stop making light of the chaos in Iraq and admit that progress has been slow and that it will take more soldiers to make Iraq secure. Above all, he should outline in detail plans for Iraqi self-governance _ something the administration has refused to do.

There should be immediate transparency so the whole world knows where Iraqi oil proceeds are going _ and it better not be to fill the coffers of American corporations. There should be more sensitivity to Iraqi culture, not less. Iraqis must be given more immediate responsibility for rebuilding their country.

Bush is optimistic that Iraq will never be the quagmire Vietnam was. But the example of an arrogant, corrupt Roman occupation could be more apt. So far, there's a lot of manure and no pony.
___________________________________

Ann McFeatters is Washington Bureau chief of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette and The Toledo Blade. The Block News Alliance consists of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette and The Blade of Toledo, Ohio.

Copyright 2003 Block News Alliance



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (30898)11/1/2003 4:01:04 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
The U.S. economy - a hot air balloon

bcaresearch.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (30898)11/1/2003 9:37:10 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
BIG TEN CONTROL IS UP FOR GRABS

freep.com

IMO, Michigan may win in a close game today BUT the Big Ten could all come down to the Ohio State game...We have a few smart Buckeyes on my project too.

Enjoy the weekend.

-s2@GoBlue.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (30898)11/1/2003 9:57:33 AM
From: Wharf Rat  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
321gold.com

..
Consumption --
Recovery Leader or Potential Profit-Killer?
Kurt Richebächer
The Daily Reckoning
October 31, 2003

The Daily Reckoning PRESENTS:

" ...The underlying basic fact is that Americans, in the aggregate, have been spending and continue to spend in excess of their current income. What is wrong with that? Why should excess consumption strangle economic growth? The short answer is, consumer spending in excess of income inherently means also in excess of production, and this part of consumer spending essentially emigrates to foreign producers, adding nothing to the U.S. GDP..."

America's economic recovery and its likely strength have been and remain the central preoccupation in economics around the world. In the consensus view, the U.S. economy will record in this year's second half its strongest pace of growth since the late 1990s. According to a monthly survey of 53 economic forecasters conducted by the Wall Street Journal Online, its seasonally adjusted annual growth rate during the current quarter will be 4.7% and 4% in the fourth quarter.

Consumer spending, propelled by the housing and mortgage refinancing bubble, is supposed to lead the recovery. It is growing, yes. But even here acceleration is completely missing. There were temporary boosts from promotion programs by the car manufacturers and also from tax cuts and tax refunds, but there always followed a new relapse.

Consumer borrowing is on the rampage as never before. In 2000, at the height of the bubble, it increased by $558.8 billion. This accelerated during 2001, the recession year, to $614.6 billion, and in 2002 to $771.8 billion. During the first two quarters of 2003, it has further soared to $837.2 billion and $1,000.2 billion, at annual rate.

The debt binge is working, for sure. But on closer look, we notice that more and more debt produces less and less consumer spending.

The fact is that the growth rate of consumer spending during the past fours quarters (2.9% y-o-y) is far below its average rate of growth (more than 5%) in prior post recession periods.

It is true that creating the greatest consumer borrowing binge, as well as the greatest monetary and fiscal stimulus, in history has so far prevented a deeper recession in the United States. However, this bubble has rapidly diminishing effects, and above all, it has completely failed to induce an accelerating upward movement. All the acceleration in real GDP in the second quarter that is being hailed as proof of an ongoing recovery has come from government spending and the hedonic pricing of computers. Take the two away, and there is more economic sluggishness.

The Decisive Failure

This has an obvious reason -- all the monetary and fiscal stimulus has flagrantly failed to revive the economic components that are indispensable for a true self-sustaining economic recovery. For that it needs sustained growth in employment, personal income, business fixed investment and profits. But all these key ingredients of economic growth remain flat or even negative.

In contrast to previous business cycle recoveries, in which personal income used to increase strongly, this time it has remained sluggish. Instead, the rise in consumer spending is being exclusively driven by heavy borrowing.

But as just expounded, consumer spending has been distinctly slowing, even though consumer borrowing is beating ever-new records. There can be little doubt that the sharp rise in long-term interest rates is sure to implement still more restraint.

Still, the consensus is convinced that the U.S. economy's sustained recovery from slow growth has definitely started. We keep reading such reports with utter amazement because this assessment flagrantly conflicts with the very weak economic data from official sources.

We have realized that this prevailing optimism about the U.S. economy owes everything to a number of indexes that we call artificial data, such as the Conference Board, Institute for Supply Management, the University of Michigan consumer sentiment, including in particular the stock market, all ranking as early indicators. American economists and investors are unusually obsessed with the idea of spotting a change in the economy before it happens.

In the past few months most of these early indicators have been grossly upbeat in comparison to the official data. Just recently, the Federal Reserve published its production index for August. It inched up from 110.1 to 110.2, and was 1% below its level a year ago. The output of consumer goods even dipped 0.2%. There was a single big increase y-o-y: defense equipment, up 6.5%.

This protracted stagnation of production, fully two years after the recession ended, compares with steep increases by 7-8% during the first two years after recessions in past cycles.

The decisive point here really is the growing disparity between demand growth and production in the United States. The most striking example of this gross imbalance between supply growth and demand growth are the disparate paths of retail sales -- up 6.3% y-o-y -- and manufacturing -- down 1.6% y-o-y. We think this particular gross imbalance is symptomatic of the situation across the whole U.S. economy. America has the most powerful credit machine in the world, but it lacks saving and investment.

The comparison between the two figures says that over the past year the entire increase in the U.S. domestic demand for goods, as reflected in sharply rising retail sales, went to foreign producers. Literally nothing of that demand growth ended with domestic producers.

Essentially, this fact raises a few critical questions about the supposed existence of large excess capacities. Why are they not used to meet the rapidly rising demand? There are two possible answers: first, the excess capacities do no exist; second, they exist, but they are not competitive.

Years of Rampant Overconsumption

Manifestly, America's bubble economy of the late 1990s had its center in the most profligate consumer borrowing and spending binge in history. In particular the fact that consumption soared as a share of GDP towards 90% and higher, as against a long-term ratio of about 67%, bears this unmistakably out.

This really is the U.S. economy's key imbalance that is obviously the root cause of its protracted sluggishness. The underlying basic fact is that Americans, in the aggregate, have been spending and continue to spend in excess of their current income.

What is wrong with that? Why should excess consumption strangle economic growth? The short answer is, consumer spending in excess of income inherently means also in excess of production, and this part of consumer spending essentially emigrates to foreign producers, adding nothing to the U.S. GDP.

But that is not all. At the same time, the overconsumption creates a variety of growth-impairing imbalances in the economy, both on the macro and micro level. Among them the most spectacular and also the most impeding to economic growth is the monstrous trade deficit.

In America, it is the consensus view that such a deficit is simply typical and normal for a country that is growing faster than the rest of the world. That is not at all true. The normal experience over decades and centuries is the exact opposite. Fast-growing economies used to have an export surplus, like Germany and Japan in the earlier postwar decades.

The reason is that economies with high economic growth used to be high-investment and high-savings countries. They chronically consume less than they produce, and that makes for the export surplus. America, in contrast, is a low-investment and low-savings country where consumption has now exceeded current production for many years. That, and nothing else, is the key cause of the trade deficit.

The Growth and Profit Killer

The decisive adverse effect of the huge trade deficit on U.S. economic activity arises from the fact that the money spent for purchases abroad represents for American businesses an equivalent loss of revenue that essentially hurts profits. It actually devastates the profits of American corporations when the money spent abroad comes from the wage bill of American businesses. And that actually means a double whammy for U.S. profits. U.S. businesses have the wage costs and forego the revenue.

Manifestly, the capital inflows are not undoing these adverse effects of the trade deficit on domestic incomes and profits. They do not flow into the real economy, building factories; they flow into the financial markets, overwhelmingly purchasing existing financial and real assets. And that means the absence of any income effects.

It is the traditional American view that consumption, being by far the biggest component of GDP, is therefore also its most important component that essentially leads recoveries. America had in the past years more consumption than ever, but capital investment and profits disappeared.

That is precisely what European growth theory expects to happen. If consumption grows to excess, it crowds out investment and spills over into imports. With its tremendous size, the trade deficit is America's main growth and profit killer.

Regards,

Kurt Richebächer
Oct 31, 2003
for The Daily Reckoning

P.S. During the 1960-70s, by the way, there was on average about 1.5 dollars of debt added for each dollar of additional GDP. Just extrapolate this escalating relationship between the use of debt and economic activity. And think of it: the GDP growth of today is tomorrow a thing of the past, while the debts incurred remain. Plainly, Greenspan's policy has collapsed into uncontrolled money and debt creation that has rapidly diminishing returns on economic activity.

As we noted in these pages last week, the late economist Hyman P. Mynsky would call this a Ponzi economy where debt payments on outstanding and soaring indebtedness are no longer met out of current income but through new borrowing. Soaring unpaid interests become capitalized.

Editor's note: Former Fed Chairman Paul Volcker once said: "Sometimes I think that the job of central bankers is to prove Kurt Richebächer wrong." A regular contributor to The Wall Street Journal, Strategic Investment and several other respected financial publications, Dr. Richebächer's insightful analysis stems from the Austrian School of economics. France's Le Figaro magazine has done a feature story on him as "the man who predicted the Asian crisis."

In the September issue of his newsletter, Dr. Richebächer aggressively dissected the data economists are interpreting as a miracle 'recovery' - including a critical look at defense spending and its aggregate effect on the revised GDP numbers for Q2. His conclusion: the recovery is hokum. If you are not already a subscriber, you can't afford to miss this special report: Greenspan Is Robbing You Blind!



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (30898)11/1/2003 8:42:52 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Workhorse runner carries Wolverines to big-game win over MSU

freep.com