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To: JF Quinnelly who wrote (15343)11/6/2003 1:21:32 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793970
 
I really love this concept. But, boy, it will be a tough sale!
______________________________________________

Transforming the U.S. Army Officer Corps

First of Two Parts



By Donald E. Vandergriff



Many of the reforms Army Chief of Staff Gen. Peter J. Schoomaker is currently pushing on his service merit our applause.



One of my favorites is the new program, “Every soldier a rifleman first.” Other reforms include the transformation of the personnel system from individual to unit manning in which officers and enlisted personnel will stay together through a three-year cycle. Such moves also mean many second- and third-order effects on Army culture.



One as-yet unanswered question is: Should this “every soldier a rifleman first” concept also apply to the officer culture? As one who has studied military personnel issues for many years, I believe that it should, and have outlined a way in which the Army can successfully carry this out.



I call it, “Every officer an enlisted soldier first.”



One of the questions I frequently hear is how will unit manning impact the Army’s officer culture. A better way to phrase this is, “Will the Army officer culture destroy unit manning before it has a chance to succeed?” There is evidence that without a radical transformation of how we select and train Army officers, unit manning and other essential reforms may be doomed to failure.



Studies on the Army’s unsuccessful unit manning program of the 1980s called Cohesion, Readiness and Training (COHORT) found that units in the program evolved much faster than units still utilizing the Individual Replacement System (IRS). Studies also found that the constant rotation of officers and senior noncommissioned officers was an impediment to COHORT units reaching their full potential.



In the past, as well as today, many Army senior leaders and personnel managers believe it more important to sustain Progressive-era personnel policies that focus on the individual than to keep the same leaders throughout the life cycle of a unit. The Army’s entrenched personnel bureaucrats – then and now – see individual career progression as more important than unit readiness. This has even occurred in Iraq this year as commanders at all levels were initially being rotated out as the troops stayed in the fight, seriously hurting morale. Fortunately, Gen. Schoomaker has ordered this Vietnam-era failed practice stopped.



Dr. Faris Kirkland, a principal researcher into the COHORT experiment, found that few leaders sent to COHORT units knew how to foster “the development of vertical cohesion [between leaders, NCOs and the troops] and its resulting dramatic improvement in mission-related performance.” Kirkland also discovered that the Army’s system for producing commissioned officers – West Point or ROTC, along with the officer basic course and any follow-on schools – created officers who could not keep pace with the challenges that they confronted when assigned to units in the COHORT program.



As these units mastered tasks that IRS-filled units could not master more than once with the same people, the COHORT units kept asking their leaders for more, and those leaders, brought up under the old system, could not produce. Officers grown under the old industrial “make-or-break” promotion system failed to understand the training challenges that COHORT units presented. From captains commanding COHORT companies to colonels commanding brigades with COHORT battalions, these unprepared leaders could not appreciate what they had, and could not create a mission order in that new command climate designed to fully leverage the full combat potential of their units.



In my 2002 book, “The Path to Victory: America’s Army and the Revolution in Human Affairs,” one of the most controversial proposals for reform was that every commissioned officer should first serve in the enlisted ranks. The goal is that officers would then possess the range and depth of experience to deal with the complex leadership challenges inherent in units organized under the Unit Manning Initiative. Future lieutenants in the future would arrive at their units as both experienced soldiers and well-trained leaders.



History provides strong evidence for how this concept would succeed. The most successful armies, particularly the Israeli Army from 1948-1973, and the German Army from 1864-1944, practiced very tough officer accession policies. Why? In the come-as-you-are-wars that they fought (and the U.S. Army is fighting now), leaders discovered there was no time to develop and “grow” their junior officers. They had to be a competent element of that unit from the time it crossed the line of departure to battle.



The needs to create vast numbers of officers for both World War I and World War II (and later Vietnam) evolved to today’s system of using the attendance of college as the most important criteria for obtaining a commission. This occurred in the absence of a professional military accessions system. Quantity versus quality became more important as the United States fought its wars of attrition using material and firepower rather than brain power.



In reality, what “Every officer an enlisted soldier first” would do is help screen out from the officer ranks early on any poor and unmotivated candidates. I always say, “No officer is better than a bad officer.” Additionally, by requiring them to go through the enlisted ranks first, it would help ensure that potential officer candidates possessed the high degree of motivation that would enable them to succeed.



Here is how such a system would work:



The officer candidate enters basic training, where a screen – consisting of psychological testing – is made to identify the candidates deemed suitable for leadership positions. As candidates complete AIT, a further screen – using more psychological testing and decision-making tests – determines whether each candidate is adequate for leader training or should remain in the enlisted ranks.



As potential officer candidates proceed through their enlisted service, personnel experts will monitor them and identify those viewed as strong contenders for Noncommissioned Officer Candidate School (NCOCS), the next stop on their path to an officer’s commission.



The same drill continues as the soldier advances into the NCO ranks after attending NCOCS and during service as an NCO.



Once those identified as officer material complete their enlisted time (a minimum of two years), they will receive full scholarships to ROTC programs, or appointments to attend West Point.



The end result will be that every officer in the future U.S. Army will already be a successful rifleman and junior NCO in a unit before arriving at West Point or a university ROTC program. The best candidates go to combat arms as officers, but even those selected for CS/CSS service will have survived a tough selection process.



By creating junior officers from exceptional and seasoned soldiers, the Army will create an entirely new leadership environment where 2nd lieutenants enter their units already respected by from soldiers and NCOs who know what those leaders had to do to earn their commissions. This will strengthen the unit manning system with trust all up and down the chain of command.



The “enlisted first” concept proposal does several things for an Army that desires and urgently needs speed and mobility in this era of 3rd and 4th Generation Warfare:



* Every officer will know what it is like to be a rifleman – having been there already.



* Every NCO assigned to a CS/CSS unit will perform assigned duties with a sense of urgency confirming that each one knows from personal experience on the receiving end, just how important the support function is to combat arms units.



* Every officer will intimately know the tactics and techniques of individual self-defense and installation force protection of the CS/CSS mission, and will be prepared to plan, conduct and supervise their units in the defense and local counterattack role.



* Every officer will be a combat-ready replacement for a combat arms unit, of proven capability to be thrown into the breach, should a crisis require it.



So before the Army organizes its new “Every soldier a rifleman first” program, the service’s leadership will be well-advised to launch the “Every officer an enlisted soldier first” plan.
sftt.org



To: JF Quinnelly who wrote (15343)11/6/2003 1:29:04 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793970
 
Here is one Military issue that Hack is still right on.
“Hack, it would be easier to clean up the Catholic Church.”

__________________________________________


DefenseWatch "The Voice of the Grunt"
11-03-2003

Hack's Target

We’re Not Getting a Bang for Our Buck

By David H. Hackworth



Let’s say you own a small trucking company with 20 drivers, but six of your operators are dysfunctional in one way or another. In the real world – to stay in business – you'd have to sack ‘em to survive.



But, apparently, the U.S. Army’s Ready Reserve Force doesn’t need to be concerned about the bottom line as long as we taxpayers have deep pockets. An estimated 60,000 of the 205,000 soldiers on their books can’t deploy to combat zones because of medical problems – and an alarming number of these non-deployables are either wacko, overweight or otherwise physically not up for the fighting game. The Army Reserve also has the largest numbers of females of any of the services – 25 percent – so there are more pregnancies, as well as other family problems. For instance, many serving moms aren’t able to muster sitters when they’re ordered to head toward the world’s hot spots.



Does the Army brass fire these non-producers, as would any prudent civilian boss, or just continue billing us for the approximately one-third of the Army Reserve that’s unfit to fight?



Listen up, and you'll hear the sound of checks being cut.



That’s partly because the Army Reserve is built around numbers. Generals get stars and colonels eagles depending on the head count. “My command has 12,000 troops and is well above its quota,” brags a two-star who doesn't give a rat’s behind whether or not 4,000 of his soldiers can pick up an M-16 rifle and close with the enemy.



“In the Reserve, manpower numbers are everything,” says a sergeant major who recently retired because of the rampant corruption. “It’s also why we have loads of deadbeats, people who may or may not show up for drill – resulting in lots of time spent on phone calls, counseling statements, etc., all of which produce nothing – and people you wish would stay home since they just get in the way. All too often the Reserve becomes ‘welfare in uniform’ for slugs. Although filling our ranks with them drives up a unit’s numbers, the truth is they drive down a unit’s effectiveness, and they drive away the better troops who get fed up with continually having to deal with the dregs.”



The war in Iraq has showcased both the Army’s strengths and its weaknesses – and it’s clear that the Reserve falls into the latter category. Now Congress needs to investigate why this important force flunked the course, using at least the same level of enthusiasm that motivated its examination of Bill Clinton’s maneuvers with Monica.



But more likely, Congress will mimic the three brass monkeys and see, hear and smell no evil. Why? Pork. With an annual budget of almost $6 billion, the Reserves bring heavy dough to every state. Which means that carrying the 60,000 non-deployables costs you and me almost $2 billion a year for dead wood.



In 1989, Simon & Schuster published About Face, a book in which I took the Army to task. Before you could say George Patton, I was sitting in Secretary of the Army Mike Stone’s Pentagon office outlining my bitches. When I told him that the Army Reserve force and National Guard couldn’t hold off a Boy Scout troop on a summer day and needed major surgery, he replied with great prescience, “Hack, it would be easier to clean up the Catholic Church.”



That said, following the tried-and-true example of the Marine Corps – which gives us a great return for our tax dollar with the Marine Reserve – the Army Reserve and National Guard should be merged into one structure. The political generals and colonels should then be replaced by regular soldiers right down to the regimental level. The reservists’ primary tasks should be light infantry, military police, intelligence, medical, civil affairs and transport; they shouldn’t be saddled with complicated missions such as armor, since their limited training period – 38 days a year – makes their ability to be combat-ready impossible.



Only highly motivated, concerned citizens who understand that their national security is at risk and who are sick and tired of being ripped off can make this happen.



And if you don’t believe our Army Reserve system is broken, just ask any reservist below the grade of major for the facts.

sftt.org



To: JF Quinnelly who wrote (15343)11/6/2003 11:21:07 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793970
 
Marine General: Leading From Iraqi Battlefield
Informed Key Decisions

Elaine M. Grossman,
Inside The Pentagon,
October 16, 2003, Pg. 1

Reprinted by Permission of Inside Washington Publishers: This article may not be reproduced or redistributed, in part or in whole, without express permission of the publisher. Copyright 2001, Inside Washington Publishers.

At a time of increasing reliance on sophisticated sensor and communications technologies to paint a "picture of the battle space" to top generals far from the war front, a key Marine Corps commander last spring opted to lead his troops in Iraq the old-fashioned way: He went there.

"In two minutes at the front edge of the combat zone, you know if the troops feel confident, if the battle's going the way they want it to, [or if] they need something," said Maj. Gen. James Mattis, commanding general of the 1st Marine Division. "You can sense it. And you can apply something."

Mattis' troops formed the heart of the Marines' air-land team in combat against Iraqi forces last March and April. Fighting in parallel with the Army's V Corps and British forces, the Marines were among the allied ground troops overseen by the Coalition Force Land Component Command's high-technology war room at Camp Doha, Kuwait.

Mattis' task in "leading from the front" was greatly facilitated by a host of modern communications technologies, he said in a Sept. 25 interview with Inside the Pentagon.

Mattis said a "dozen communicators" accompanied him everywhere he went, providing him with satellite telephones; radios that use high-frequency, VHF or UHF bands; and Blue Force Tracker, an Army-developed system that locates friendly forces.

Mattis' communications team "kept all those flowing around me," he said. The general hastened to add that although he remained in close touch with his troops on the tip of the spear, he was not personally at great risk for much of the war.

"You'll notice there were no major generals on the casualty lists. There were lance corporals and sergeants," Mattis said. "So when you talk about [leading from] the front, it's relative. There's probably no lance corporal infantryman who would not have preferred to be in my position at some point there, on my worst day."

Mattis downplayed the effect the loss of a general officer might have on troop morale, saying it likely would steel them more in fighting enemy forces (see box).

Yet Mattis was, by choice, the antithesis of the modern-day warrior image some Pentagon leaders have sought to cultivate. Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. John Jumper, for one, envisions war commanders attacking targets on an electronic map with the click of a mouse from a battle center physically removed from combat.

"I would routinely move up to the assault regiments or to the assault battalion commanders," Mattis said. "If we were going to continue to attack in one area and if it was a pretty sharp fight, I'd move up to get a sense of how sharp the fighting really was."

He said he could "tell within minutes of getting there" how well or poorly his forces were doing—more by sensing the combat atmosphere than by objectively analyzing friendly versus enemy forces.

In keeping with Marine Corps doctrine, Mattis said he prefers leading through "command and feedback" rather than traditional "command and control."

"And you get your best feedback by . . . going out and sensing what's going on. That's when you really know what's happening," Mattis told ITP. He said he could not effectively command "as the generals did in World War I, sitting back at a chateau in France and getting a telegraph key clicking to them."

Mattis, who earlier led the 1st Marine Expeditionary Brigade and Task Force 58 in Afghanistan, commanded from the field by leapfrogging two communications posts as his forces pressed forward.

"In both Iraq and Afghanistan . . . I maintained what I call a 'forward observation post,'" Mattis said. "One light armored vehicle C2, [or] command and control, variant and the four humvees that carried my comm gear—these five vehicles traveled with me. This was my forward observation post in Iraq."

A "jump" command post, or CP, was set up anew each time the Marine division moved closer to Baghdad, Mattis said.

"There is a forward and a main CP," he explained. "The main is where most everything goes on. When they are getting ready to break down [antennas and computers] and move forward, the forward CP goes up and takes command and control of the battle."

Troops radioing back to Mattis' division command post would often be unaware whether they were talking with the forward CP or main CP, he said.

For example, Marines at the front might call back to the division CP, saying, "Blue Diamond, I need a casualty evacuation here," Mattis described. At one given time, a voice from the main CP might respond. But an hour later—after the two CPs leapfrogged positions—Marines might hear another voice respond from the forward CP. The two command posts were equally responsive, he said.

Mattis said he was routinely at the division CP "some time of the day as I get the bigger feeds and understand everything. And then I go where it's most critical that day."

He said he would often fly by helicopter or travel in a small convoy to wherever an important battle was taking place.

"I get up there and I sense what's going on from the commander face-to-face," Mattis said. "If he's dead tired, that helps me to understand what they're facing. But those human aspects are much more important to combat then all of the mechanical [questions like], 'What level of supplies does this unit have?'"

Mattis offered two other principal reasons, one philosophical and the other tactical, for leading from the battlefield rather than from a command center in the rear.

First, "basically war is something that requires courage and it's in the province of fear," he said. "And if you don't move forward yourself, you lose your moral authority to order others to go."

Mattis says "the No. 1 authority you have [as a commander] is moral authority. The No. 1 power you have is expectation. If they expect to see you and they see you, and you expect to see them moving forward, then that moral imperative is what really takes us forward."

Second, from a purely practical standpoint, Mattis doesn't trust that the sensor and communications systems will always function as needed in the heat of battle.

"Why shouldn't we sit back [behind the battlefield]?" Mattis asked. "All that fancy gear will break down."

He pointed to last month's Hurricane Isabel, which roared up the East Coast and caused extended power outages throughout the Washington area.

"We sit here in the most technologically advanced country, in one of the most technologically advanced parts of that country," Mattis said. "And a silly hurricane comes through [and] we have [computer] servers in every building here, and we have people right now who don't have the power to send a message across the street or to the next floor up.

"And do you think [there won't be similar failures] under the stresses of combat, where an enemy is trying to interrupt those communications, where low-cost alternatives exist [like using] jammers that you can't even find because they're so small and they're hidden inside a box of trash next to a road you're driving down?" he continued. "There's a million things that can go wrong."

Rather than assume he can track and make sense of virtually every movement on the battlefield—as some advocates of "network-centric" warfare imply—Mattis says he provides his troops clear "commander's intent" about the battle's underlying objectives, leaving the rest largely to them.

"It's all about commander's intent, to me," he said. "Commander's intent does not mean that I have to be monitoring every minute. Do I like to have good situational awareness? Yes, I want the best technology and the best capability I can get. But there is no way that I think that you can take the place of that timeless commander's intent."

Mattis says the sophisticated technologies he and his forces used in Iraq greatly reduced friendly casualties, but were not necessary for winning the war.

"We could have had the Iraqis' gear and they could have had ours, and we still would have gotten to Baghdad nearly as fast," he said. "It would not have changed [the outcome]. Now what [the advanced gear] does is it allows us to do it with many fewer casualties."—Elaine M. Grossman
d-n-i.net



To: JF Quinnelly who wrote (15343)11/6/2003 11:25:56 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793970
 
Indicators - Iraqi guerrillas are attacking tanks

By William S. Lind

This week's tragic shooting down of an Army Chinook helicopter near Fallujah, with the loss of 16 soldiers, may or may not point to a significant new development in the Iraq war. Helicopters proved highly vulnerable in Vietnam and in the Soviet war in Afghanistan as well, and there is no shortage of SA-7 missiles in Iraq, as U.S. forces there have long known. Moreover, there is a fairly simple technique helicopters can use to minimize their vulnerability to the SA-7 and similar shoulder-fired missiles: fly high. In Afghanistan, Soviet infantry referred to their helicopter pilots as "the Cosmonauts" because of their desire for altitude. Of course, altitude also works against us in that it prevents the people in helicopters from seeing what is happening on the ground. But when your aircraft is a big piñata, high is the way to fly.

Three events last week may actually provide more in the way of indicators as to where the Iraq war is headed. The first two were successful attacks on American M-1 Abrams tanks by Iraqi resistance forces. In the first attack, the M-1 was taken out by what appears to have been a tandem-warhead light anti-tank weapon, which no one knew the resistance possessed. Fortunately, in that attack no Americans were seriously hurt, though the tank was disabled. The second attack resulted in the complete destruction of an M-1, with the turret blown off the chassis of the tank by a large improvised mine. Sadly, two American tank crewmen were killed and one badly wounded. The technique is the same as that used by the Palestinians to destroy several Israeli Merkava tanks, so it should not have come as a surprise to us.

More significant than the destruction of two American tanks is the fact that Iraqi guerrillas are attacking tanks. This is an indicator that the guerilla war is developing significantly more rapidly than reports in Washington suggest. With the second stage of the Iraq war just six months old, one would expect the guerillas to be attacking only weak, vulnerable targets, such as supply columns. The fact that they are going after the most difficult of all ground targets, heavy tanks, is surprising. It means they lack neither confidence nor skill.

A third indicator comes from a widely-reported incident where an American battalion commander threatened an Iraqi under interrogation with his pistol and now faces criminal assault charges for doing so. The charges themselves are absurd, since the Iraqi was not injured and the information he provided prevented American soldiers from being ambushed. Here, the indicator comes from the identity of the Iraqi. Who was he? An Iraqi policeman.

The Bush administration's strategy for the war in Iraq, to the degree floundering can be called a strategy, is "Iraqification:" developing Iraqi armed security forces such as police, border guards, civil defense guards and a "New Iraqi Army," and dumping the insurgency in their laps. Last week's incident shows the major flaw in that strategy: it assumes that the Iraqis in those forces will really be working for us.

Guerillas and, even more, Fourth Generation elements deal with state security forces primarily by taking them from within. They will also attack members of the state forces and their families, as part of punishing collaborators. But taking them from within is even more effective, because when we think the members of the state forces we create are working for us, we let them in positions where they can do real damage. Only too late do we discover where their real loyalty lies.

Naively, we seem to believe that if we are paying someone, they will give us their honest best. Some will. But especially in old, cynical societies such as that in Mesopotamia, people see nothing wrong with serving two or more masters, and getting a paycheck from each. They have no real loyalty beyond their family and, perhaps, their clan or tribe. Everyone else is trying to use them, and they are trying to use everyone else. That is just how the place works.

As we create more and more Iraqi armed units, and try desperately to hand the war over to them, don't be surprised if they refuse to play our game. They will tell us what we want to hear to get paid, and then do what benefits them. Often, that will just be seeing and hearing nothing as the resistance forces go about their business. Sometimes, it will be shooting Americans in the back. It doesn't take many such shootings before we have to treat the Iraqi forces we have ourselves created with distrust, pushing even those who want to work with us into our enemies' arms.

One other indicator: a friend recently noted to me that the rapidly improving techniques we see from the Iraqi guerrillas bear a striking resemblance to those used by the Chechen guerrillas against the Russians.
Might it be that we are not the only ones to have a coalition in Iraq?
d-n-i.net