SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Attack Iraq? -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: DayTraderKidd who wrote (8291)11/6/2003 6:35:23 AM
From: lorne  Respond to of 8683
 
Daykid. You said...." you can deny that I have angered you all you want. I wont believe it. I know what i see."....

No kidding? Like I asked you please show me where in my posts to you that I displayed anger. Do you know how to search back on past posts?

And honest I'm not angry at you....you are very amusing and actually brighten up my day....a bit. :-)

And as for what you may or may not believe....who cares.... :-)

And speaking of beliefs may I suggest that it is your outrageous beliefs that most sane posters respond too with questions.

You said...." people like you are collective thinkers. look at what the last poster posted to me,"....

Could you expand on the term " collective thinkers " a bit please?

And what did the last poster say that would upset you.

Do you suppose that the last poster was responding to some of the spaced out outrageous things you post. Hey you are entitled to post whatever outrageous things you want but you must be mature enough to expect and except arguments from the good guys.

Maturity in people takes differing amounts of time and for some there is just not enough time. But ya never know you could get there some day.

Take care. LOL



To: DayTraderKidd who wrote (8291)11/6/2003 7:36:48 AM
From: lorne  Respond to of 8683
 
America the unpopular
by Daniel Pipes
Jerusalem Post
November 4, 2003
danielpipes.org

As the overthrow of Saddam Hussein showed, American conservatives believe that preemption, the overwhelming use of force, and going it alone are at times necessary to bolster US national security.

Liberals beg to differ. The New York Times, speaking for many of the latter, editorializes against what it calls President George W. Bush's "lone-wolf record [and] overly aggressive stance," saying that these risk undermining his goals by provoking the world s enmity. All nine of the Democratic presidential candidates raise similar criticisms, as do the AFL-CIO, countless columnists, religious leaders and academics.

Beyond differing with the administration's specific actions in Iraq, the liberal argument challenges broader conservative assumptions about the utility of an assertive US foreign policy. The Bush administration, for example, was practically alone in rejecting two treaties (the International Criminal Court, the Kyoto Protocol) and two near-agreements (on small arms, on chemical and biological weapons). It also took other forceful steps (such as negating the ABM treaty with Russia and expanding NATO up to Russia s borders).

"Bush is creating new enemies faster than he is deterring old ones," is how Gerard Alexander of the University of Virginia sums up the liberal accusation – one that he incisively refutes in the November 3 issue of The Weekly Standard. Alexander discerns two elements to the liberal claim: other powers for the first time feel threatened by US actions; and they are responding by taking steps against Washington. Let's consider each of these elements.

Newly threatening: Looking back over the last half-century, Alexander notes many occasions when other powers felt alienated from Washington.

1950s: US allies formed a West European-only bloc. France created an independent nuclear capability.
1960s: France withdrew from NATO's military structure. Most US allies vehemently protested the US war in Vietnam.
1970s: OPEC directed its oil weapon primarily against the Americans to protest US policies in the Middle East.
1980s: In something of a preview of today's situation, Europeans disdained Ronald Reagan as a simpleton and a cowboy, took to the streets in great numbers to protest US theater nuclear weapons, and broadly opposed US policies to build a missile defense system, reform the United Nations, and isolate the Sandinistas. On some issues, such as the Law of the Sea treaty, they unanimously opposed Washington's stance.
1990s: The European Union repeatedly clashed with the United States on trade issues. It also announced the creation of a unified military force separate from NATO.
Today's tensions, in short, have a somewhat familiar air to them.

Taking steps against Washington: "Watching what people do and not simply what they say," Alexander points out, "remains the best test of what people really think of America." However noisy unfavorable opinion polls and rival diplomatic efforts may be, they do not in themselves amount to a crisis. A crisis would require other powerful states to take at least one of two steps:

Invest heavily in improving military capabilities through enhanced arsenals and larger troop mobilizations: This has not occurred. Alexander finds "little evidence that a build-up, as a hedge against future American actions, is even in its earliest stages." European Union states generally devote one-half to one-third what Washington does to military spending, and this general proportion has not changed in the last two years, with the exception of some small increases designed to address new terrorist priorities.

Build explicit military alliances: Here too, Alexander finds, "There is no evidence that cooperation between major E.U. members and Russia (or China) extends to anything beyond opposition to an invasion already over."
The response to recent American actions has been limited to words, and so has limited significance.

"By all the usual standards, then," Alexander argues, "Europeans and most others are acting as if they resent some aspects of US policy, are irritated by America's influence, oppose selected actions the administration has taken, and dislike President Bush more than his predecessor, but remain entirely unthreatened by the United States." Annoyance hardly counts as enmity.

There is no persuasive evidence "that US policy is provoking the seismic shift in America's reputation that Bush's critics detect." Translated into political terms, this means those critics need to find themselves another issue.



To: DayTraderKidd who wrote (8291)11/6/2003 2:01:13 PM
From: haqihana  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 8683
 
daytrader, Your posts may be able to make lorne's stomach turn over, but there is no way that such a punk can make him, or virtually anyone else, angry. There is not substance enough in your posts to really give a tinker's damn about. Getting mad at your words would be like getting mad about a dog shi--ing in the alley.



To: DayTraderKidd who wrote (8291)11/7/2003 9:46:19 PM
From: Kaliico  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 8683
 
and history will prove these clones sadly misguided...

as it has done so many times, they never learn as they are incapable.

good point you make "you are collective thinkers", like the Borg.

Once again to this board, how are things going in Iraq?

K