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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Orcastraiter who wrote (494251)11/17/2003 3:17:37 PM
From: Neeka  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769667
 
Republican Leaders Reach Deal on Medicare
For First Time, Plan Would Cover Drug Costs

By Amy Goldstein
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, November 16, 2003; Page A14

Leaders of Congress last night announced a hard-fought agreement in principle on the largest expansion of Medicare since the program's birth, promising older Americans the first federal help in paying for prescription drugs while tilting the health insurance system heavily toward the private sector.

Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.), House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.) and key lawmakers who have been bargaining over Medicare legislation for months said they had reached consensus on all the outstanding disagreements over a $400 billion plan to redesign the program. But they released no details, said they still were waiting for final budget estimates on whether the plan was affordable and acknowledged that they were uncertain the long, intricate bill could pass both chambers of Congress.

They sounded euphoric, if vague. "I'm confident this is the best deal that could be made," Ways and Means Committee Chairman Bill Thomas (R-Calif.), who has led the negotiations, said in the near-empty Capitol.

Congressional sources said the lawmakers had resolved major disagreements over a new kind of competition for patients from private health plans in Medicare, retiree benefits provided by private companies and extra subsidies for people on Medicare who are especially poor. They said they would describe their decisions publicly today.

The lawmakers announced what Frist called "an agreement on principles" only after a final round of bargaining that lasted well past midnight Friday and through most of yesterday. As the negotiations continued, Frist and Hastert labored to create an aura of an inevitable breakthrough, though it is uncertain whether they can push the legislation through the Senate and the House by the end of this week, as both leaders said they are determined to do.

The bill would create a federal subsidy for prescription drugs for people 65 and older who are willing to buy a new type of insurance policy or join a private health plan. The plan, which would take effect in three years, also would give extra assistance to low-income Medicare patients.

The sources said that several minor issues remain unresolved. And the sources said that lawmakers have not obtained final budget analyses showing whether the changes to Medicare would be likely to fit within the $400 billion price tag for the next decade, to which the White House and Congress have agreed.

Most critically, it remained unclear whether the fragile agreement can win support of the majority of House members and senators. The House passed its Medicare bill by just one vote in June, partly because it contained several provisions that are popular with GOP conservatives but now have been altered in the agreement. The Senate's vote was more bipartisan, but Democrats have been denouncing the shape the agreement has assumed in recent days, and 44 senators -- including seven Republicans -- have signed a new letter of protest.

Last night, Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (Mass.), the Senate's most influential Democrat on health matters, said, "I remain deeply troubled that this plan will undermine the reliability and affordability of Medicare for our nation's seniors."

But the White House released a statement from President Bush, who is eager to use a new Medicare law in his presidential campaign and who called last night's agreement "the most significant improvement in senior health coverage in nearly 40 years."

The agreement came as sources said negotiators had found solutions to two aspects of the massive legislation -- containing more than 1,000 pages -- that had proved particularly contentious.

One involved a central ideological disagreement over how far the government should go try to motivate Medicare patients to leave the traditional, fee-for-service version of the program, to which nearly 90 percent belong, and join private health plans. The House voted to try to foster that migration by placing the traditional program into a direct price competition for patients with preferred provider organizations, known as PPOs, and other kinds of private health plans through a strategy that Democrats have warned would end up making it more expensive to remain in the original program.

In the end, the agreement pares, but does not eliminate, the House's idea. The price competition would be allowed to start in 2010 in as many as six metropolitan areas and last for as long as six years. Thomas, who had argued earlier in the week for a broad experiment in such competition, said last night that he supported all aspects of the accord.

The other final issue involved financial incentives to try to deter the nation's employers from abandoning the drug benefits they provide retirees once federal coverage becomes available. Lawmakers last night would not confirm how much extra money they had decided to allot.

Created in 1965 as a major piece of Lyndon Johnson's "Great Society" expansion of federal social programs, Medicare provides health care to about 40 million elderly and disabled people -- and has assumed vast economic and political significance.

For years, Congress has wrestled with how to satisfy a widespread public demand that Medicare be updated to include coverage for pharmaceuticals, which have gained far more importance in the practice of medicine than when the program began. Until now, Medicare has paid for medicines that are administered directly in a hospital or in an outpatient setting, but not for prescriptions that patients take at home.

In June, Congress reached a watershed, when both chambers approved Medicare measures that shared the basic goals of drug coverage and greater reliance on private health plans. But the bills also contained many differences, and a team of House and Senate negotiators, all but two of them Republican, has spent the past four months in a search for common ground.

Specifically, the drug benefit would be available to anyone on Medicare who is willing to pay a premium of about $35 a month and a $275 yearly deductible. After that, the government would pick up three-fourths of drug costs, up to $2,200. Coverage then would stop except for a small number of people who have extremely high expenditures, above $3,600 a year. Before the drug benefit began, the government would try a more modest method to lower older people's expenses, organizing a network of drug discount cards sold by companies that manage pharmacy benefits. The White House has predicted those cards could shave as much as one-fourth off the price of medicine, but other estimates have been less optimistic.

Medicare patients could obtain those benefits in two ways: through new insurance policies that covered only drugs; or by joining a PPO, HMO or other private plan that also furnished the rest of their care.

The agreement includes a compromise on whether the government should, as the Senate wants, guarantee that coverage is available everywhere, even if private insurance companies decide not to take part -- a particular concern in rural places that private plans have largely avoided because the markets are less profitable. Under the Senate plan, the government would have stepped in anywhere that Medicare patients did not have a choice of at least two private drug policies. The compromise would consider patients to have adequate choice if there is one such free-standing insurance policy for drugs and one private health plan in their area.

Overall, the agreement incorporates many conservative ideas about the future of health care for older people -- and for the rest of country -- although it would not move Medicare quite as far in some of those directions as House Republicans have sought.

For instance, the deal calls for an unprecedented attempt to limit overall federal spending on the program, which historically has been an entitlement that can draw on as much money as required to provide specific benefits to everyone it covers. The agreement, however, stops short of the ceiling that many in the GOP sought. Instead, it would require the White House to recommend ways to bring down spending if it rose more quickly than expected but would not compel Congress to act on those recommendations.

Similarly, the agreement includes a longtime darling of conservative health policy: a new system of tax-preferred savings accounts for people who can afford to set aside money for medical expenses. House Republicans wanted two such programs, estimated to cost $174 billion for the next decade, but only the smaller one, costing about $6 billion, is in the deal. Conservatives say that such tax breaks would motivate consumers to avoid unnecessary medical care, but many Democrats say the health savings accounts would drain the nation's health insurance system of wealthy patients in good health.
washingtonpost.com



To: Orcastraiter who wrote (494251)11/17/2003 3:18:12 PM
From: Neeka  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
OUR ORWELL:

Is there any journalist one trusts more than John F. Burns to tell us what is going on in Iraq? Somehow, Burns is untainted with the cynicism and reflexive anti-Americanism of many of his journalistic peers, and yet is open to the nuances of a complicated and often surprising world. His despatch from Iraq today in the NYT is peerless. Not just beautifully written, deep while never seeming less than conversational, it makes a couple of really important points. First off:

The amiability that greets a Westerner almost everywhere outside the Sunni triangle, and even there when American troops are not around, masks a reflex commonly found among people emerging from totalitarian rule: the sense of individual and collective responsibility is numbed, often to the point of passivity. The Iraqis' instinct to blame their rulers for life's hardships, engendered by Mr. Hussein's regime and at the same time silenced by it, is the Americans' burden now.

We have to keep reminding ourselves of the context from which these beleaguered people have emerged. It's perhaps impossible for any of us to feel in our bones the psychological hell of living in a police state like Saddam's. But these people are still, for the most part, in post-traumatic shock. This country will take time to heal. Each day I read of deaths of American soldiers or Italian policemen or Iraqi innocents and feel punched in the stomach by these losses. We cannot forget the human dimension to these tragedies and the pain that spreads from them. At the same time, it strikes me now, more than ever, that what we are trying to do in Iraq right now is as just as it is difficult, as vital as it is constantly grueling. We must win. I leave you with Burns' peroration:

Gesturing toward the smoking hulk of the headquarters where at least 19 Italians and 13 Iraqis died, I asked the crowds if they thought America and its allies should pack up and go home. In the clamor that followed, I asked for quiet so that each man and boy could speak his mind. Unscientific as the poll was, the sentences that flowed expressed a common belief.

"No, no!" one man said. "If the Americans go, it will be chaos everywhere." Another shouted, "There would be a civil war."

"If the Americans, the British or the Italians leave Iraq, we will be handed back to the flunkies of Saddam, the Baathists and Al Qaeda will take over our cities," another man said.

Nobody offered a dissenting view, though many said it would be best if the Americans achieved peace and left as soon as possible. These people, at least, seemed concerned that America should know that the bombers, whoever they were, did not speak for the ordinary citizens of Iraq.

If only Mike Kelly were around to go there as well.

andrewsullivan.com



To: Orcastraiter who wrote (494251)11/17/2003 3:19:00 PM
From: Neeka  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769667
 
Case Closed
From the November 24, 2003 issue: The U.S. government's secret memo detailing cooperation between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden.
by Stephen F. Hayes
11/24/2003, Volume 009, Issue 11
weeklystandard.com.

OSAMA BIN LADEN and Saddam Hussein had an operational relationship from the early 1990s to 2003 that involved training in explosives and weapons of mass destruction, logistical support for terrorist attacks, al Qaeda training camps and safe haven in Iraq, and Iraqi financial support for al Qaeda--perhaps even for Mohamed Atta--according to a top secret U.S. government memorandum obtained by THE WEEKLY STANDARD.

The memo, dated October 27, 2003, was sent from Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Douglas J. Feith to Senators Pat Roberts and Jay Rockefeller, the chairman and vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee. It was written in response to a request from the committee as part of its investigation into prewar intelligence claims made by the administration. Intelligence reporting included in the 16-page memo comes from a variety of domestic and foreign agencies, including the FBI, the Defense Intelligence Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the National Security Agency. Much of the evidence is detailed, conclusive, and corroborated by multiple sources. Some of it is new information obtained in custodial interviews with high-level al Qaeda terrorists and Iraqi officials, and some of it is more than a decade old. The picture that emerges is one of a history of collaboration between two of America's most determined and dangerous enemies.

According to the memo--which lays out the intelligence in 50 numbered points--Iraq-al Qaeda contacts began in 1990 and continued through mid-March 2003, days before the Iraq War began. Most of the numbered passages contain straight, fact-based intelligence reporting, which in
some cases includes an evaluation of the credibility of the source. This reporting is often followed by commentary and analysis.

The relationship began shortly before the first Gulf War. According to reporting in the memo, bin Laden sent "emissaries to Jordan in 1990 to meet with Iraqi government officials." At some unspecified point in 1991, according to a CIA analysis, "Iraq sought Sudan's assistance to establish links to al Qaeda." The outreach went in both directions. According to 1993 CIA reporting cited in the memo, "bin Laden wanted to expand his organization's capabilities through ties with Iraq."

The primary go-between throughout these early stages was Sudanese strongman Hassan al-Turabi, a leader of the al Qaeda-affiliated National Islamic Front. Numerous sources have confirmed this. One defector reported that "al-Turabi was instrumental in arranging the Iraqi-al Qaeda relationship. The defector said Iraq sought al Qaeda influence through its connections with Afghanistan, to facilitate the transshipment of proscribed weapons and equipment to Iraq. In return, Iraq provided al Qaeda with training and instructors."

One such confirmation came in a postwar interview with one of Saddam Hussein's henchmen. As the memo details:

4. According to a May 2003 debriefing of a senior Iraqi intelligence officer, Iraqi intelligence established a highly secretive relationship with Egyptian Islamic Jihad, and later with al Qaeda. The first meeting in 1992 between the Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS) and al Qaeda was brokered by al-Turabi. Former IIS deputy director Faruq Hijazi and senior al Qaeda leader [Ayman al] Zawahiri were at the meeting--the first of several between 1992 and 1995 in Sudan. Additional meetings between Iraqi intelligence and al Qaeda were held in Pakistan. Members of al Qaeda would sometimes visit Baghdad where they would meet the Iraqi intelligence chief in a safe house. The report claimed that Saddam insisted the relationship with al Qaeda be kept secret. After 9-11, the source said Saddam made a personnel change in the IIS for fear the relationship would come under scrutiny from foreign probes.
A decisive moment in the budding relationship came in 1993, when bin Laden faced internal resistance to his cooperation with Saddam.

5. A CIA report from a contact with good access, some of whose reporting has been corroborated, said that certain elements in the "Islamic Army" of bin Laden were against the secular regime of Saddam. Overriding the internal factional strife that was developing, bin Laden came to an "understanding" with Saddam that the Islamic Army would no longer support anti-Saddam activities. According to sensitive reporting released in U.S. court documents during the African Embassy trial, in 1993 bin Laden reached an "understanding" with Saddam under which he (bin Laden) forbade al Qaeda operations to be mounted against the Iraqi leader.
Another facilitator of the relationship during the mid-1990s was Mahmdouh Mahmud Salim (a.k.a. Abu Hajer al-Iraqi). Abu Hajer, now in a New York prison, was described in court proceedings related to the August 1998 bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania as bin Laden's "best friend." According to CIA reporting dating back to the Clinton administration, bin Laden trusted him to serve as a liaison with Saddam's regime and tasked him with procurement of weapons of mass destruction for al Qaeda. FBI reporting in the memo reveals that Abu Hajer "visited Iraq in early 1995" and "had a good relationship with Iraqi intelligence. Sometime before mid-1995 he went on an al Qaeda mission to discuss unspecified cooperation with the Iraqi government."

Some of the reporting about the relationship throughout the mid-1990s comes from a source who had intimate knowledge of bin Laden and his dealings. This source, according to CIA analysis, offered "the most credible information" on cooperation between bin Laden and Iraq.

This source's reports read almost like a diary. Specific dates of when bin Laden flew to various cities are included, as well as names of individuals he met. The source did not offer information on the substantive talks during the meetings. . . . There are not a great many reports in general on the relationship between bin Laden and Iraq because of the secrecy surrounding it. But when this source with close access provided a "window" into bin Laden's activities, bin Laden is seen as heavily involved with Iraq (and Iran).
Reporting from the early 1990s remains somewhat sketchy, though multiple sources place Hassan al-Turabi and Ayman al Zawahiri, bin Laden's current No. 2, at the center of the relationship. The reporting gets much more specific in the mid-1990s:

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