In the five previous debates, Edwards's strategy has been to avoid the verbal darts the other candidates have been aiming at one another. Instead of garnering headlines with one-liners, Edwards has been hoping to reach the voters watching at home with talk of his ''Real Solutions for America'' plan, a booklet full of policy proposals.
The strategy isn't working out so well. Current polls have him close to the back of the pack, jockeying for position with Al Sharpton.
Ginsberg and other aides have recently begun prodding Edwards to be more aggressive, to make his presence felt, to mix it up in some of the testier exchanges. ''We all agree that you did really well with the last debate, getting engaged in the fight,'' Ginsberg says.
''And we've seen, in the last two weeks, Dean lumping his opponents all together and attacking them as Washington insiders,'' Ginsberg continues. ''You're not from Washington.''
Edwards sits up. ''This is something I want to know,'' he says. ''How long has Dean been in politics?'' Edwards himself has been in public life for only five years, and he can't quite understand how Dean has managed to cast him as just another Washington lifer.
''Since 1986, right?'' Ginsberg says, looking around.
Christina Reynolds, Edwards's research director, begins typing away on her laptop.
''What did he do before that?'' Edwards asks. ''Just practiced medicine? For how long? And where? At a hospital?''
Reynolds looks up from her computer. ''Exactly 20 years, that's how long he's been in politics, Senator.'' Edwards nods thoughtfully.
The advisers point out some other weak spots. Dick Gephardt has been linking Dean to Newt Gingrich because Dean once spoke in favor of raising the retirement age for entitlements. Perhaps Edwards should join in. ''That's absurd,'' Edwards says dismissively. ''No one believes he's like Gingrich. I think we just need to say that he wanted to limit the cost of Medicare, which is exactly what the Republicans wanted to do.''
Then there is Wesley Clark's war position; he has been criticized for a lack of clarity. Edwards shakes his head. ''I don't think I want to be in that,'' he says. ''I just don't really want to go there.''
Edwards seems chiefly concerned with how best to talk about his plan for the economy. On one hand, he has a series of proposals to create jobs. But he also likes to rail against the growing tax burden on working families.
''I just need to know whether you would rather have me hit jobs or work force,'' he tells the group. ''Because it's very hard to do both in 60 seconds.''
Edwards and his wife, Elizabeth, are partial to the jobs argument. His aides are more invested in the workers-versus-the-wealthy message -- which leaves Edwards groping for a clear answer.
In the five previous debates, Edwards's strategy has been to avoid the verbal darts the other candidates have been aiming at one another. Instead of garnering headlines with one-liners, Edwards has been hoping to reach the voters watching at home with talk of his ''Real Solutions for America'' plan, a booklet full of policy proposals. The strategy isn't working out so well. Current polls have him close to the back of the pack, jockeying for position with Al Sharpton.
Ginsberg and other aides have recently begun prodding Edwards to be more aggressive, to make his presence felt, to mix it up in some of the testier exchanges. ''We all agree that you did really well with the last debate, getting engaged in the fight,'' Ginsberg says.
''And we've seen, in the last two weeks, Dean lumping his opponents all together and attacking them as Washington insiders,'' Ginsberg continues. ''You're not from Washington.''
Edwards sits up. ''This is something I want to know,'' he says. ''How long has Dean been in politics?'' Edwards himself has been in public life for only five years, and he can't quite understand how Dean has managed to cast him as just another Washington lifer.
''Since 1986, right?'' Ginsberg says, looking around.
Christina Reynolds, Edwards's research director, begins typing away on her laptop.
''What did he do before that?'' Edwards asks. ''Just practiced medicine? For how long? And where? At a hospital?''
Reynolds looks up from her computer. ''Exactly 20 years, that's how long he's been in politics, Senator.'' Edwards nods thoughtfully.
The advisers point out some other weak spots. Dick Gephardt has been linking Dean to Newt Gingrich because Dean once spoke in favor of raising the retirement age for entitlements. Perhaps Edwards should join in. ''That's absurd,'' Edwards says dismissively. ''No one believes he's like Gingrich. I think we just need to say that he wanted to limit the cost of Medicare, which is exactly what the Republicans wanted to do.''
Then there is Wesley Clark's war position; he has been criticized for a lack of clarity. Edwards shakes his head. ''I don't think I want to be in that,'' he says. ''I just don't really want to go there.''
Edwards seems chiefly concerned with how best to talk about his plan for the economy. On one hand, he has a series of proposals to create jobs. But he also likes to rail against the growing tax burden on working families.
''I just need to know whether you would rather have me hit jobs or work force,'' he tells the group. ''Because it's very hard to do both in 60 seconds.''
Edwards and his wife, Elizabeth, are partial to the jobs argument. His aides are more invested in the workers-versus-the-wealthy message -- which leaves Edwards groping for a clear answer.
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