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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (17759)11/25/2003 10:39:10 PM
From: ChinuSFO  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793597
 
Nadine et al. Where are the WMDs. What connection between Saddam and Osama. Why have the Al-Qaeda attacks increased if there was a connection and we have knocked out a piece of that connection.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (17759)11/26/2003 1:11:10 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793597
 
From Sharon's mouth to Safire's ear. The only solution that will work.

November 26, 2003
The Magical Solution
By WILLIAM SAFIRE

WASHINGTON

It seems as if everyone is coming up with a surefire, can't-miss, "comprehensive" agreement to make peace once and for all between Palestinians and Israelis.

In Geneva next week, rejected politicians representing not even a minority of the parties in the dispute will pose for cameras while signing an agreement in the benevolent presence of Jimmy Carter. (The former president says "Yasir Arafat could not have survived politically if he had accepted" Bill Clinton's generous proposals.)

This "accord" will be accompanied by releases of filmed highlights of the mock negotiations. A competing unofficial deal has also been released, dividing Jerusalem and drawing indefensible borders.

Meanwhile, to dissuade Prime Minister Ariel Sharon from making his promised "painful compromises" in any future official negotiation, a group of rightist members of the Knesset and settler leaders have issued their incomprehensible plan to confer Israeli citizenship on all residents of the West Bank and Gaza.

All such plans are called in Hebrew pitaron kesem, "magical solution," or ze'ou vegamarnu, "There — all finished!"

The proposals are not all far out nor are all participants seeking power without benefit of election. Over the years, a columnist colleague and I have met in the hallway and worked out perfectly sensible hypothetical accords that would bring peace, security, freedom and prosperity to all.

One small drawback to such magical solutions: they are out of touch with reality. The suicide-bomber war will not be ended when powerless brokers list all the points of disputation and then pretend to trade concessions. Nor will it end by fiat from a superpower or resolutions from irresolute outside bodies.

Peace will be made only when the two parties are prepared to deal and have the authority to deliver on their commitments.

For nearly three years, embattled Israel has been ready. A few months ago, there was reason to hope that 70 percent of the Palestinian people, exhausted by their unwinnable war, would put in power a government to exert control over the belligerent 30 percent beholden to Hamas and other terrorists and fanatics.

They tried and failed. Arafat, his absolute authority over his armed forces challenged, threw Abu Mazen out for daring to try to stop the terror. He replaced him with a loyal aide, Ahmed Qurei, known as Abu Ala, and let the world know that only Arafat would be in charge of the men with guns.

As usual, world opinion (Putin, Chirac, Carter, etc.) blames Sharon for insisting that Palestinians stop their 30 percent from supporting the murder of civilians during negotiations. Pro-Palestinian media (as well as the free, anti-Sharon media in Israel) are calling for another Oslo charade, or for giving Arafat yet another chance, or for new pressure on Israel to stop taking the war to the terrorists.

The White House isn't ignoring the need to show fairness. Bush's aides yesterday pressed Sharon's chief of staff, Dov Weisglass, to dismantle the dozens of unauthorized outposts in the West Bank, as called for in the road map, and to reduce discomfiting searches at checkpoints. And Israel will be penalized for building its much-needed antiterrorist barrier by a reduction of a loan guarantee. But there will be no demand that Israel waste time and lives doing business with Arafat.

Fortunately, Sharon — elected by a landslide and with his strong coalition in parliament — is backed up by a U.S. president who has shown he understands the value of patience and courage in the face of terror.

Secure in his support at home and here, but aware that in a democracy, a politician has to show progress, Sharon suspended his requirement for "quiet first" and recently invited Abu Ala, a man he knows well, to meet with him.

The Palestinian, hoping to see heavy publicity afforded the Geneva accordianists, buttered up his boss by rejecting the opening, demanding a series of Israeli concessions first. Sharon does not do meetings with preconditions; the two prime ministers will get together when Arafat decides to let Abu Ala out of his sight.

Then come visits to the U.S. and the "process" begins again. It will have meaning when the Palestinian majority takes charge of its enemy within. Only after that will we hear, in Hebrew and Arabic, "There — all finished!"
nytimes.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (17759)11/26/2003 3:19:07 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 793597
 
Well said Nadine.

"Not unlike Saddam's having the measure of the UNSC. In
the 30s, lots of people thought they could shift their
security responsibilities onto the League of Nations in
just the same way. "Collective security and the League!"
was the cry."


Why folks keep clinging to the absurd belief that the UN
can solve all of our problems today is beyond my
comprehension. I guess those who forget history are
condemned to repeat it.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (17759)11/26/2003 6:24:08 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793597
 
Missed this when it came out. How to sniff out Liberal Bias.

The Gray Lady's 1st ombudsman

By Bob Kohn

© 2003 WorldNetDaily.com
Earlier this week, after an embarrassingly long 90-day search, the New York Times announced the appointment of the paper's first ombudsman or "public editor." Daniel Okrent, a longtime magazine editor and author who served as managing editor of Life magazine, will serve an 18-month term as the paper's "reader representative." Charged with holding the newspaper accountable for inaccuracies (and, presumably, biased reporting), Okrent will write a commentary in the Times on Sundays, though not necessarily every week, beginning in early December.

The appointment of a public editor has been part of the paper's effort to regain the trust of its readers in the aftermath of the Jayson Blair scandal earlier this year. The much-publicized scandal lead to the firing of the paper's executive editor and forever tainted the newspaper's vaunted reputation as a reliable source of news. The questions raised by critics of the Times, in this column and elsewhere, about the kind of person the paper would appoint as its first ombudsman – either someone having the independence necessary to do the job "without fear or favor," or a journalistic insider likely to pay only lip service to enforcing accuracy and impartiality – appears to have had some effect on the paper's ultimate choice.

Not truly an outsider to journalism, but not a scion of the newsroom either, Okrent appears to be somewhere in the middle. Okrent worked as a "stringer" for the New York Times in the late 1960s, but spent most of his career in editor positions for several book publishers, including Alfred A. Knopf and Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. He has been a columnist for Esquire magazine and served as a visiting fellow at the Columbia University School of Journalism.

From these credentials, it is far from clear whether Okrent would recognize clear examples of liberal bias, or even feel the responsibility to look for it in the Times, but there is good reason to give Okrent a chance to prove himself.

If you can believe Bill Keller, the executive editor of the New York Times, Okrent is "smart, curious, rigorous, fair-minded and independent." Surprisingly, there are early signs Keller might be right. In an interview earlier this week, Okrent expressed his displeasure with the Times under former executive editor Howell Raines. Specifically, he called the Times' crusade against the all-male Augusta National Golf Club a "humiliation for the newspaper."

The big question, however, is "Why?" Why does Okrent believe the crusade against Augusta National was a humiliation? If he believes, as many of us do, that the crusade was a blatant misuse of the paper's news pages to influence public opinion, then there's reason to hope that Okrent will begin identifying other instances where the Times is slanting the news rather than reporting it impartially.

The evidence suggests, however, that the new public editor faces an uphill battle. Reporting the news impartially doesn't seem to be a concern at all at the Times.

Upon his appointment as executive editor of the Times in June, Keller said charges that his newsroom was liberally biased were "unfounded." When the Times issued its 56-page Siegal Committee report, the result of its investigation of the Jayson Blair scandal, the panel did not once use the words "fairness," "objectivity" or "impartiality." It was the Seigal Committee report that proposed the establishment of the public editor position, but enforcing fairness, objectivity and impartiality were not standards that were included in the public editor's job description.

If the Times does not even acknowledge the existence of bias in its news reporting, how can it be expected to fix it? One lone ombudsman is not likely to make much progress with people who are in such denial. Still, let's give Daniel Okrent a chance. Bill Keller has assured the public that the newspaper waived its right to review Okrent's commentaries before they are published. If that's the case, it's all up to Okrent now (and up to us if he fails).

Note yesterday's headline in the Times' lead story: "BUSH IN A HURRY TO TRAIN IRAQIS IN SECURITY DUTY." Neither the lead sentence of the article nor anyone quoted in the article state that Bush is acting in "a hurry," a phrase which, according to the dictionary, suggests the president may be acting "too rapidly." An unbiased headline (that would have fit within the space constraints of the "A-head") could have been, "BUSH STEPS UP IRAQI TRAINING IN SECURITY DUTY." Get to work, Mr. Okrent!

Bob Kohn is the author of "Journalistic Fraud: How The New York Times Distorts the News and Why It Can No Longer Be Trusted." Available from ShopNetDaily.

worldnetdaily.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (17759)11/26/2003 2:55:41 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793597
 
Bushies v. Downie
The Washingtonian

To the outside world, Post executive editor Leonard Downie is a mild-mannered working stiff who will never be Ben Bradlee. Inside the Bush White House, he’s a journo-terrorist.

One senior administration official called him “Osama bin Downie” and said the Post was “leading a jihad against the Bush administration.”

Downie says the “senior administration official” was Anna Perez, spokesperson for the National Security Council. “Anna’s my friend,” says Downie. “I’m sure she said it in a joking manner.”

But in most jokes there’s some truth, and the Bush team does see the Post as the most implacable enemy amid a hostile press corps.

“Enemy is way, way too strong,” says Perez. “We don’t have enemies in the press.”

But she adds: “We expect skepticism—but the Post has skipped skepticism and moved to cynicism—do not pass go.”

The White House has reason to wince at Post coverage. Walter Pincus, with Dana Priest and Karen DeYoung, forced President Bush to eat his 16 words claiming that Iraq had tried to acquire nuclear material from Africa. The Post has been dogged in its investigation of who leaked the name of CIA spy Valerie Plame.

Much of the toughest scrutiny of Iraq policy has come from Barton Gellman and Tom Ricks. Glenn Kessler often reports stories that question Bush foreign policy.

“We do the accountability thing pretty seriously,” says White House reporter Dana Milbank. “It’s not just this White House. Did they forget who broke the Monica Lewinsky story?”

It’s inevitable that the Post is compared with the New York Times; Post writers see themselves as “tougher than Brand X,” in the words of one reporter. But the senior official who branded Downie says, “The Post has a bad case of New York Times envy in foreign-policy coverage.”

But for Downie, who lives in the shadow of Ben Bradlee’s mythic role as leader of the Post during Watergate, the “Osama bin Downie” brand might give him the chance to play the role of tough editor leading reporters into battle.

“I’m not aware of any pattern of thought in this White House about the Washington Post,” he says. “I find things fairly normal.”

—HARRY JAFFE

washingtonian.com