SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (498932)11/26/2003 9:58:49 AM
From: JakeStraw  Respond to of 769670
 
LOL! You mean the democrats actually HAVE a plan?!



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (498932)11/26/2003 10:02:02 AM
From: JDN  Respond to of 769670
 
Those comments are coming from people who havent really been informed of the plan and are reacting to the lies spread by Dashole and Kennedy. AARP will straighten it out for them and they will change their opinion of the plan. jdn



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (498932)11/26/2003 10:21:43 AM
From: Hope Praytochange  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
A Dose of Reform

By Dianne Feinstein and Don Nickles
Dianne Feinstein is a Democratic senator from California. Don Nickles is a Republican senator from Oklahoma.
Wednesday, October 22, 2003; Page A29

Wrestling with the complexities of how to add prescription drug coverage to the Medicare program has been high on the political to-do list for at least five Congresses. This year, more than ever, there is a glimmer of hope that all the debate, formulas and analyses might coalesce into law.

That would be good news for today's seniors. But if a final agreement is devoid of even the smallest steps to make Medicare more financially sound, it would be bad news for tomorrow's seniors.

The opportunity for common-sense reform is within our reach and Congress should not miss it. One idea with a history of bipartisan Senate support is our amendment to change the Medicare Part B premium subsidy so that the wealthiest 2 percent of seniors pay a larger share of their monthly premium -- those individuals earning more than $100,000 and couples earning more than $200,000 annually.

A brief tutorial on the Medicare program helps explain why reform is critical and why this is a good starting point.

During the past 40 years, the average life expectancy has jumped from 70.2 years to 76.9 years. During the next 40 years, the number of Americans 65 and older will more than double, rising from 37 million today to 82 million in 2050.

The result of these demographic shifts, combined with rapidly rising health care costs, is a troubling fiscal picture for Medicare. During the next 75 years, Medicare will owe benefits exceeding its income by $13.3 trillion -- that's twice the current national debt and does not take into account the additional cost of a new drug benefit.

Previous prescription drug proposals have been estimated to add another $4.6 trillion to $7 trillion on top of that, for a staggering total of $18 trillion to $20 trillion in unfunded promises.

Without any reforms, Congress would have to triple Medicare payroll taxes to make up that shortfall. Proposals such as our Part B premium change would help.

Medicare has two components -- one part covering hospitals and one part covering physicians and lab services. The hospital portion is funded by the 2.9 percent payroll tax individuals and their employers pay during their working years.

All workers pay into the fund, and all seniors are entitled to its benefits. Period.

But the physician portion, or Part B, is an optional plan seniors can buy once they qualify for Medicare. When Medicare was established in 1965, the Part B premium for participants was set at a fixed dollar amount that covered about 50 percent of the cost.

With the rapid acceleration of medical inflation, the premium gradually declined in value to only 25 percent of the program's cost. That percentage was fixed into law in 1997.

The other three-fourths of the cost is subsidized by the government's general revenue -- mostly income taxes. The cost of this subsidy is rising.

In 2002, close to 8 percent of all corporate and personal income taxes collected were used to cover this 75 percent subsidy of Part B. All things remaining equal, by 2077 fully one-third of all income taxes will be needed to pay the tab.

Think of that: one-third of all taxes immediately diverted to Medicare before any budgeting for national defense, homeland security, education, highways or other important programs.

What's more, this subsidy is provided to all seniors, regardless of income.

The Concord Coalition has spelled out the practical effect of this as follows: "It makes no sense for a couple with two children and a $50,000 income (about the national median for family households) -- trying to buy a home, trying to find affordable health insurance, trying to save for their kids' education, and trying to put aside something for retirement -- to have to pay 75 percent of the Medicare premium for a retired couple whose income exceeds $150,000 a year."

We could not agree more. Why should low-income families pay 75 percent of the bill for Ross Perot to have a checkup? Under our proposal, 98 percent of seniors would continue to pay only 25 percent of their Part B premium, as they would under current law.

Those individuals who earn more than $100,000 per year and couples who earn more than $200,000 per year would be asked to pay more, based on income and phased in over time. Individuals earning more than $200,000 and couples earning more than $400,000 annually would pay as much as 100 percent of the Part B subsidy.

The Senate has twice voiced strong bipartisan support for relating income to Part B premiums in recent years -- in 1997 and again this year during debate of the Medicare prescription drug bill. Unfortunately, the amendment, which we sponsored along with Sen. Lincoln Chafee (R-R.I.) and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), was not included in the final package passed by the Senate.

As House and Senate conferees work out the differences between the bills, opponents of reform must consider which is worse: making no promises at all, or making a promise they can't keep. Adding a drug benefit without also strengthening the underlying program is like building a second story on a house with a crumbling foundation.

Seniors may be forced into a government-run drug benefit system that is destined to collapse because it is overcommitted and underfunded.

Relating Part B to income is not a cure-all for this problem. It would offset only a fraction of the cost of adding a new drug benefit. But it adds a dose of honesty to the mix by acknowledging the looming financial problems the Medicare system faces.

Avoiding real reform now does not make the problem go away. It simply leaves tougher choices to future generations and future Congresses.

Dianne Feinstein is a Democratic senator from California. Don Nickles is a Republican senator from Oklahoma.



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (498932)11/26/2003 10:22:58 AM
From: PROLIFE  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769670
 
Democratic memos expose the media’s double standard

Imagine this:

A liberal publication obtains copies of secret internal memos by members of Vice President Dick Cheney’s energy task force. The documents reveal that Cheney and his aides not only consulted big energy companies but actually took orders from those companies in crafting national policy.

If an oil company wanted the vice president to hold off on an initiative, then the vice president held off on the initiative.

If an electricity giant wanted the vice president to block the appointment of a regulatory official, then the vice president blocked the appointment.

The documents even suggest the administration knows it is doing wrong; on one occasion, two of the vice president’s aides say they are “a little concerned about the propriety” of doing the energy companies’ bidding. But they do it anyway.

When the memos are published, the administration doesn’t deny the facts but instead accuses Democrats of stealing the documents.

Now ask yourself: Were all that to happen, do you think the story would be ignored by The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, the news sections of The Wall Street Journal, and ABC, NBC and CBS?

And in the one big paper to mention the story, The Washington Post, do you think the only report devoted to the subject, a brief wire-service account on Page A-4, would be headlined, “Apparent Theft of Memos Probed”?

Not a chance. However the Cheney memos became known, the primary story would be their substance, and what they revealed about the internal workings of the energy task force.

Of course, none of that has happened. But something quite similar is going on right now, concerning not the president’s energy policies but his judicial nominations.

Recently, The Wall Street Journal editorial page published excerpts from a group of memos written by Democratic staffers to Sens. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) and Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.) about several Bush nominees.

The memos, dating from 2001 until April 2003, show Democrats working in close consultation with such groups as People for the American Way, the Alliance for Justice, NARAL Pro-Choice America and the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights.

Actually, “close consultation” is too weak a phrase. The memos reveal the Democrats and the interest groups to be partners in the effort to defeat Bush nominees — with the Democrats serving as the junior partners.

For example, in one memo to Durbin, dated Nov. 7, 2001, a staffer described a meeting with the groups in which they “identified Miguel Estrada (D.C. Circuit) as especially dangerous, because he has a minimal paper trail, he is Latino, and the White House seems to be grooming him for a Supreme Court appointment.” The staffer continued: “They [the groups] want to hold Estrada off as long as possible.”

And guess what: The Democrats held Estrada off as long as possible — not scheduling a vote for him when they controlled the Judiciary Committee, and filibustering him when they became the minority party.

Finally, Estrada gave up and asked that his name be withdrawn.

Another memo, to Kennedy, dated April 17, 2002, details how the NAACP Legal Defense Fund asked Democrats to delay the nomination of Julia Scott Gibbons to the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit. Legal Defense Fund officials did not want her on the court when the University of Michigan affirmative action case was decided.

Members of Kennedy’s staff conceded they were “a little concerned about the propriety of scheduling hearings based on the resolution of a particular case.” But the Legal Defense Fund wanted action, and action it got. Gibbons was delayed.

Now that the memos have become public, have Democrats denied any of it?

Not at all. Rather, their defense has been to claim that Republicans stole the documents.

“It appears that the documents in question were taken without authorization and possibly illegally,” Durbin wrote in a letter to the Senate sergeant at arms. “This constitutes a serious breach of security.”

At the moment, there’s no evidence to suggest that the memos were stolen.

Democrats allege that the memos were hacked out of Democratic computers but have no proof that that actually happened.

In addition, the only names that are blacked out on the memos are those of Democratic staffers. If Republicans had stolen the documents, why would they go out of their way to protect Democrats?

And the memos end in April of this year. But if the GOP had hacked into Democratic files, it seems likely that they might have been most interested in post-April materials relating to ongoing filibusters. Yet there’s no such recent stuff in the memos.

All in all, the “apparent theft” of the memos is probably not a theft at all. An “apparent leak” seems more likely.

Nevertheless, Democrats have succeeded in changing the subject from their own behavior as detailed in the memos to the (apparently baseless) allegation of Republican misdeeds.

And, so far, they’re getting away with it.

thehill.com