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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Maurice Winn who wrote (17952)11/27/2003 6:45:46 PM
From: calgal  Respond to of 793613
 
MUGGER
Heads in the Sand: The Dems just won't face reality
newsandopinion.com | Democrats and their supplicants in the mainstream media are in a state of bitter confusion and disarray. Those of unflappable optimism, who in polite conversation are forced to suppress a Machiavellian smile when the latest U.S. military casualties in Iraq tick on the AP wire, favor the cliche, "Oh, the sun'll come out tomorrow, so ya gotta hang on 'til tomorrow."

The growing number of realists, at both the local and national levels, who've already written off the South in the 2004 quest to send President Bush back to Crawford, TX, are humming Jim Morrison's ominous words from the late 1960s: "Strange days have found us/Strange days have tracked us down/They're going to destroy/Our casual joys."

Some stalwarts take succor in the conservative outrage over Bush's pushing for the entitlement-laden, enormously expensive energy and Medicare bills now before Congress. They point out that the Wall Street Journal's editorial board — that band of barbarians who applauded a bourgeois riot at a Florida recount office in 2000 — has, to slip into hiphop jargon, b-tchslapped Bush over this obviously politically motivated legislation, to say nothing of the president's disappointing flirtation with protectionism. Should the lockbox-pilfering Medicare bill become law, Democratic strategists chortle, the "seniors," traditionally part of their base, will read the fine print of the dubious measure and register their outrage at the polls next November.

Sure, and ZZ Top really does deserve a berth in Jann Wenner's silly Rock and Roll Hall of Fame pantheon.

In theory, I agree with the Journal (as well as National Review, the Weekly Standard and New York Post) that Bush is sacrificing principle for political gain. Last Thursday, a WSJ editorial about Medicare concluded: "Republicans are offering the certainty of trillions in new entitlements in return for the mere promise of future reform, and that's too expensive a gamble for principled conservatives to support."

So let's drink to the ideological purists who remind the president that he ought not imitate LBJ.

But back to reality. A year before the election, despite the typical polling that shows an incumbent president in a potentially precarious position, Bush will likely defeat his Democratic challenger by a slender margin, and unlike Bill Clinton, who selfishly hoarded money in his cakewalk against Bob Dole in '96 rather than spreading it around to down-ticket Democrats, could strengthen the GOP majorities in both the Senate and House. Debates over Medicare, energy, gay marriage, the environment and steel tariffs aren't insignificant, but they won't be the Democrats' lifeboat. The election will be decided primarily on three issues: the economy, the war on terrorism and Bush's personality. On the latter, flailing DNC chairman Terry McAuliffe, who'd hoped to pick off a sliver of voters who opted for Bush in 2000, is in trouble. It may be there's a sizable, and noisy, percentage of Americans who are screwing up the establishment Democrats' hope of taking back the White House by Venting Their Spleen for Dean, but this group consists of lifelong Democrats and college kids. And most kids don't vote.

The cover of this week's Time shows a goofy-looking Bush with a black eye and lipstick on a cheek, to illustrate John F. Dickerson and Karen Tumulty's thumbsucker essay "The Love Him, Hate Him President." It's a gutsy cover — and a welcome relief from Time's usual soft "lifestyle" themes — that reminds readers of the classic photo-negative image of Bill Clinton the magazine featured a decade or so ago.

Inside, one lazy paragraph was particularly irritating, as Dickerson and Tumulty echoed Beltway "conventional wisdom." They say: "Bush's approach to leadership has invited Americans to take sides. That's because he has resolutely swung for the fences in both domestic and foreign policy. Despite coming into office with nothing like a mandate, he has governed as if he has one." Spare me. JFK had no "mandate," nor did Nixon in '68, Carter in '76 or Clinton in '92, yet all four of them governed, properly, as though they'd won in a landslide. In a Nov. 16 Los Angeles Times article, reporter Stephanie Simon surveyed dozens of voters in Clayton, MO, a battleground state, and couldn't find much that'll cheer up McAuliffe. Gene Goldman's comment has to give Bush's detractors heartburn: "He's less phony than most of the candidates. He's more credible. And I can understand him. He speaks at my level." Dick McCoy, who's voted for Democrats in the past, and is opposed to Bush's tax cuts and position on abortion, nonetheless said: "I would have to give the guy high marks. As a leader, he certainly stands by his guns. He doesn't waver. I'm pleased to have him in there — and I think it will be hard to get him out."

Simon Shapiro continues: "Randy Catcher, 48, is more willing to consider voting Democratic. He's concerned about the spiraling budget deficit. And he's even more anxious about Bush's foreign policy. He fears the administration may be pushing too hard to project U.S. power and influence around the globe. He worries that 'we're in a no-win spot' in Iraq. So yes, he says, he'll take the Democratic nominee seriously.

"Then Catcher pauses, reflecting. He's opening a new restaurant in Clayton… If it's doing well this time next year, Bush will likely get his vote, despite his qualms. 'If the economy perks up again,' Catcher said, 'I think we probably shouldn't upset the apple cart.'"

Democrats in denial about the economy's upswing can fortify themselves by reading Paul Krugman in the Times twice a week, and after the election express astonishment over Bush's reelection. "I can't believe he won," Upper West Siders will bleat, in a reprise of past elections, "no one I know voted for him." Hyperbolic partisans can talk all they want about Bush being the worst economic president since Hoover, but as unemployment drops over the next eight months, they'll look as silly as the born-again anti-Semite George Soros.

As James Pinkerton pointed out in a Nov. 20 Newsday column, the more pragmatic Democratic presidential challengers now understand they won't get much traction by harping on the economy next fall. Pinkerton digs up a quote from Dick Gephardt from a Meet the Press appearance in January of 2002, a soundbite that, should the Congressman win the nomination, will surely appear in RNC ads next spring. Gephardt told host Tim Russert: "The purpose of tax cuts is to get the economy to grow. If you can get the economy to grow, you will start having more money coming into the government. It's a synergistic process that moves both budget forward and the economy forward."

Maureen Dowd, after a moving Times op-ed on Nov. 16 about how a niece gave part of her liver to the columnist's ailing brother, who'd contracted hepatitis C, which led to cirrhosis after a tainted blood transfusion, was back to her vacuous, petty and self-obsessed persona last week. On Sunday, taking Democratic talking points to heart about the unscrupulous nature of the first Bush ads aired for the upcoming campaign, Dowd pounced on the President for "fear mongering."

She writes: "'It would take one vial, one canister, one crate slipped into this country to bring a day of horror like none we have ever known,' Mr. Bush says in a State of the Union clip.

"Well, that's a comforting message from our commander in chief. Do we really need his cold, clammy hand on our spine at a time when we're already rattled by fresh terror threats at home and abroad? When we're chilled by the metastasizing Al Qaeda, the resurgent Taliban and Baathist thugs armed with deadly booby traps; the countless, nameless terror groups emerging in Turkey, Morocco, Indonesia and elsewhere; the vicious attacks on Americans, Brits, aid workers and the supporters in Iraq, Afghanistan and Turkey?"

Unwittingly, Dowd puts her clammy finger on the central debate between Bush and his eventual challenger. It's pathetic that Dowd, who lives in Washington, DC and remembers the 9/11 attack on the Pentagon, would rather remain in a cocoon of denial, as if a tub of Ben & Jerry's ice cream, fuzzy slippers and The Contender on the DVD player might keep her safe.

While it's an enormous credit to the Bush administration that there hasn't been another Ground Zero in New York, DC or Chicago in more than two years, complacent Americans do need a cold shower when it comes to the ever-present threat of another disaster on this country's soil. As Bush said in London last week, after the bombing of a British bank in Istanbul, terrorists — under whose command, we're not sure — are bent on trying to "intimidate" every single Westerner who doesn't subscribe to their warped 12th-century worldview.

I wonder how the French will react if, and possibly when, the Arc de Triomphe is blown to bits, along with a few thousand rush-hour citizens. Or what about if a "crate" gets by a napping security crew in Munich and kills 10,000 people? You'd hope, despite the likes of Dowd, that Europeans realize that terrorism is getting closer and closer to their own countries. Of course, a likely scenario is if a "vial" or "canister" is placed inside Grand Central Station or in the Lincoln Tunnel in Manhattan, causing one more day that Americans over the age of five will never forget.

Dowd's Nov. 20 column declared Bush's visit to London a failure, another example of his administration's isolationism, demonstrated by the heavy security surrounding the president. She writes: "Everything Mr. Bush did in London reinforced the idea that this was a trip made not so much to thank the British people for their friendship, but to send a message to the voters back home that he was at ease as a world leader… There was a dispiriting contrast between G.W.B shutting out the world and avoiding the British public, and the black-and-white clips this week of J.F.K. reaching out to the world and being adored by Berliners."

A few points. Maybe Dowd believes it'd be smart politics for Bush to mingle with the protestors — who, unlike Kennedy's rapturous throngs in Berlin a lifetime ago, weren't exactly friendly — even though such a foolish decision could've resulted in his assassination. Also, as the Wall Street Journal reported on Monday, Germany's Gerhard Schroeder, who exploited anti-American sentiment to win reelection a year ago, has now cozied up to the Bush administration, promising to cancel a huge debt that Saddam's Iraq owed his country. And Schroeder, while opposed by his parliament, has proposed tax cuts and a decrease in welfare benefits in his country, an indication that Germany wants a piece of the "special friendship" that Britain has long had with the United States.

Finally, Dowd might choose to believe that Bush did nothing on his trip except flub a toast with Queen Elizabeth and have a nonalcoholic beer at a pub in Tony Blair's hometown, but others will remember his extraordinary speech at Whitehall, in which he unabashedly explained his principles in the war against terrorism. In part, Bush said: "We must shake off decades of failed policy in the Middle East. Your nation and mine in the past have been willing to make a bargain: to tolerate oppression for the sake of stability… [I]t is not realism to suppose that one-fifth of humanity is unsuited to liberty; it is pessimism and condescension, and we should have none of it."

Dowd and her snotty Beltway companions may take solace that a number of conservatives are grumbling over Bush's compromises on domestic issues, but they're missing the big picture. A growing economy and steadfast foreign policy, despite rough patches, is why the Republican base will hold firm in 2004 and not disintegrate as it did for Bush's father in '92.



To: Maurice Winn who wrote (17952)11/28/2003 1:33:43 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793613
 
I'd be surprised if the USA once again let a totalitarian state roll over a democratic country.

We cut a deal when Nixon recognized China. We won't dispute their long term claim to sovereignty, and they won't invade Taiwan. That deal will hold as long as we have a Republican President. All bets are off with a Democratic one.

China would be nuts to use missiles or try to invade. Their whole prosperity is tied up with trade. That trade would cease.



To: Maurice Winn who wrote (17952)11/30/2003 11:17:16 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793613
 
EconoPundit
Economic News and Views

Sunday, November 30, 2003An Economic Sermon for your Holiday Weekend
All you debt hawks out there -- I want you to think about a few things.

There are a series of classic paradoxes, traditionally used to impress on students the basic macroeconomic fact the whole is not always a mere sum of its parts.

The more aggregative your outlook the more debt appears to self-cancel, for example. My owing money to a loan shark is a source of concern. My owing money to my father is of somewhat less concern, since the assets/liabilities remain within the family. Even if dad charges me an exorbitant interest rate -- well heck, he will only use the money to buy nice things for mom, right?

You can extend this argument to a nation's public debt. From this viewpoint, the federal debt is innocuous, merely what we all "owe ourselves."

What about externally-held public debt -- those foreigners who buy our treasuries? Traditionally external debt is looked on with xenophobic suspicion -- we worry about "leakages" of expenditure going abroad not matched by "injections" of income generated internally. It we who spend but the foreigners who benefit, we worry.

The more globalization increases international trade, the less are these suspicous worries warranted. Sure, we may owe money to foreigners, but these foreigners are also our customers. We get much of our money back in the form of orders for our own country's output.

The less didactic your outlook, the more debt resembles a convention, a mere way of describing details of ownership rather than an active force. Not only xenophobia but also America's Puritan heritage sometimes points thoughts about public debt in the wrong direction.

Traditional Puritan thinking associates indebtedness with indolence and profligacy, suggesting conclusions like "less aggregate debt is always superior to more." This conclusion is not always true.

Please picture for a moment an economy with many modern factories, abundant natural resources, and a vibrant work force. It is these that all determine how wealthy the economy will be. This economy's debt structure -- including whether there's "lots" or "little" private or public indebtedness -- merely describes "who owns what" and "who must behave how." It has nothing to do with the workers, machines, and resources which actually produce all the GDP.

From this viewpoint, then, fretting about alternate structures of private/public debt is like worrying about what color the machines are painted. What does it matter who owns a machine, or whether it serves as collateral in some debt arrangement? Its productive capabilities are all about the metal it is made of, not about how it is described in some contract.

Inappropriate didacticism gives rise to the most commonplace argument against high levels of federal indebtedness -- the notion we somehow pass a debt "burden" to our children by increasing the federal debt.

The temptation for jokes here is simply too great. Here's one: "I asked my daughter about the federal debt. She said it was okay, she'd take care of it somehow!"

Here's another: "But seriously folks. I did ask her. Heck -- she said she'd just pass it on to her daughter!"

As it turns out the last joke is no a joke at all. Any level of federal debt gets passed on from one generation to the next. No generation has to pay off all the federal debt. The idea it does is just plain silly.

What we and our children must face with higher levels of federal debt, however, is higher levels of interest payment on the federal debt. Through the first half of the 1990s, for example about 18% all federal receipts had to be devoted to interest paynments on the public debt. The 90s boom reduced this number to roughly 10%, but with the increasing federal deficit a reasonable forecast suggests an increasing level of 17% by 2007.

In the language of modern political economy, these interest payments are an entitlement. To the extent our debt is held externally (by foreigners) as well as internally, it is not only a domestic but also an international entitlement.

But entitlements can be the subject of a future sermon -- that's enough for today. Get out and enjoy the rest of the holiday weekend -- and for now at least, stop worrying so much!
Link posted by Steve Antler
econopundit.com



To: Maurice Winn who wrote (17952)12/6/2003 11:27:16 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793613
 
More on the subject from the Pittsburg Post Gazette.

Editorial: Chinese puzzle / Free talk in Taiwan stirs the mainland

Saturday, December 06, 2003

Even though China's approach to Taiwan is basically pragmatic and not pointed toward war, a sharp verbal riposte that mainland military officials delivered to islanders who've been talking independence merits close attention from the United States and neighboring East Asian countries.

The fundamental problem is that, even if mainland Chinese who withdrew to Taiwan when the Communists took over in 1949 might accept the eventual integration of the islands as part of China -- as occurred with Hong Kong in 1997 and Macao in 1999 -- some Taiwanese nurture thoughts of full independence.

Another complicating factor is that Taiwanese politics are vigorously democratic, and internal campaign jousting, even points of view that might jangle the nerves of the mainland Chinese authorities, are freely expressed. Be it ever thus, but it entails risks with a nation that has armed forces numbering 2.5 million and nuclear weapons.

For the United States, the problem lies in a long-standing commitment, which it would prefer never to have to honor, to preserve the autonomy of Taiwan from the clutches of the mainland Chinese if China were to seek to assert its authority by military force.

Even though most of the color has been drained from that commitment by the passage of time, and by the deaths of fierce members of the so-called China lobby, some congressional and other American political commitment to the interests of Taiwan is maintained by the islanders' active and generous lobbyists in Washington. They are everywhere, actively advocating at the Pentagon, on Capitol Hill and at the White House, and contributing generously to political campaigns.

Thus, the risk is that if relations were to sour between China and Taiwan and the Chinese were to threaten military action, the United States might feel obliged to respond, for reasons that have little to do with long-term American interests in the region.

That is a development that must be avoided, even if U.S. forces were not so heavily committed already in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere.

The right move for the United States at this point is to communicate to the mainland Chinese, through high-level but discreet diplomacy -- say that we want to talk to them about trade, a good subject anyway -- that it would be good to calm themselves a bit and to see Taiwanese internal political rhetoric as just that.

It would also be very useful for the administration to make it clear to the Taiwanese that they must restrain themselves on the subject of independence and not encourage their Washington lobbyists to beat the drums for military action that the United States definitely does not need.
post-gazette.com