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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (500939)11/30/2003 4:57:43 PM
From: KLP  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
Sorry, AS...just you saying it, doesn't make it so. Your proof is.............? A couple of links from responsible places (US Senate, etc) would be enough....



To: American Spirit who wrote (500939)11/30/2003 5:53:12 PM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
Bush-Cheney had free use of Enron jets before they were "elected". In that world, as in the movie star world, rarely to they have to fly commercially.

Fact check time again. Your statement is inaccurate. As you well know, it is a common practice for Presidential candidates to use corporate jets. In compliance with the Federal Election Commission rules, the candidates are required to reimburse the corporations for the use of the jets. According to this article, during the 2000 election cycle the Bush campaign reimbursed 85 companies a total of $1.1 million of 350 flights. Enron was reimbursed $60,000 for 14 flights. Of course, Al Gore was flying in Air Force Two. Advantage Gore.

opensecrets.org

Flying High on Corporations

Bush campaign took advantage of company jets.


By Holly Bailey

Two weeks before Election Day last October, more than two dozen Republican governors convened at the governor's mansion in Austin, Texas, to launch what would be one of their final pushes of support for George W. Bush's bid for the presidency, all recounts aside.

The "Barnstorm the Country Tour," as the week-long swing was dubbed by the Bush campaign, would send the governors, divided into teams of three and four, to 48 cities in 25 battleground states, including Pennsylvania and Iowa, thus freeing Bush to spend his last hours in must-win states like Florida.When departure time came, the group, which included the likes of New York Gov. George Pataki and Gov. Jim Gilmore of Virginia, didn't have to worry about the hassles of checking their luggage. There was no waiting at a ticket counter, and when it came to fighting for room in an overhead bin, it didn't happen.

Thanks to what many deem a major loophole in federal election law, the governors were able to waltz straight past the delays of regular air travel and into the luxury and convenience of corporate jets borrowed from some of the nation's biggest companies, all for the price of a first class ticket.

On this particular week, the price tag was around $122,000, according to reports filed with the Federal Election Commission by the Bush campaign - a major discount on flights that usually cost in upwards of $1,000 per flight-hour. Among the dozen or so companies reimbursed for the governors' travel: MBNA America Bank, Sallie Mae and the American Financial Group, companies that also happen to rank among Bush's biggest corporate boosters.

Indeed, the list of companies providing such discounted travel reads almost identical to the list of major contributors to Bush's presidential campaign. Enron Corp, whose employees gave more than $118,000 to Bush, was reimbursed almost $60,000 for 14 flights during the campaign, including two flights reported after Election Day. Meanwhile, MBNA, Bush's top financial supporter with $238,000 in contributions, was paid nearly $20,000 for five flights.

Other companies have ties to Bush's so-called Pioneers, a network of 214 people who raised at least $100,000 for the Texas governor's presidential campaign. Occidental Chemical, whose CEO J. Roger Hirl is a Pioneer, was reimbursed more than $50,000 for 16 separate flights. Another $36,000 went to Texas Utilities, where chief executive Erle Nye also is a major Bush fundraiser.

Corporations
Bush campaign took advantage of company jets.
By Holly Bailey

Two weeks before Election Day last October, more than two dozen Republican governors convened at the governor's mansion in Austin, Texas, to launch what would be one of their final pushes of support for George W. Bush's bid for the presidency, all recounts aside.

The "Barnstorm the Country Tour," as the week-long swing was dubbed by the Bush campaign, would send the governors, divided into teams of three and four, to 48 cities in 25 battleground states, including Pennsylvania and Iowa, thus freeing Bush to spend his last hours in must-win states like Florida.When departure time came, the group, which included the likes of New York Gov. George Pataki and Gov. Jim Gilmore of Virginia, didn't have to worry about the hassles of checking their luggage. There was no waiting at a ticket counter, and when it came to fighting for room in an overhead bin, it didn't happen.

Thanks to what many deem a major loophole in federal election law, the governors were able to waltz straight past the delays of regular air travel and into the luxury and convenience of corporate jets borrowed from some of the nation's biggest companies, all for the price of a first class ticket.

On this particular week, the price tag was around $122,000, according to reports filed with the Federal Election Commission by the Bush campaign - a major discount on flights that usually cost in upwards of $1,000 per flight-hour. Among the dozen or so companies reimbursed for the governors' travel: MBNA America Bank, Sallie Mae and the American Financial Group, companies that also happen to rank among Bush's biggest corporate boosters.

Indeed, the list of companies providing such discounted travel reads almost identical to the list of major contributors to Bush's presidential campaign. Enron Corp, whose employees gave more than $118,000 to Bush, was reimbursed almost $60,000 for 14 flights during the campaign, including two flights reported after Election Day. Meanwhile, MBNA, Bush's top financial supporter with $238,000 in contributions, was paid nearly $20,000 for five flights.

Other companies have ties to Bush's so-called Pioneers, a network of 214 people who raised at least $100,000 for the Texas governor's presidential campaign. Occidental Chemical, whose CEO J. Roger Hirl is a Pioneer, was reimbursed more than $50,000 for 16 separate flights. Another $36,000 went to Texas Utilities, where chief executive Erle Nye also is a major Bush fundraiser.

All told, the Bush campaign reimbursed 85 companies $1.1 million for more than 350 flights on corporate jets during the 2000 election cycle. The campaign paid oil and gas companies $143,000 for use of their corporate jets; real estate companies were paid $96,000; $54,000 went to those in the railroad business; and electric utilities cracked the $51,000 mark.

While Bush paid about $3 million to charter his own private plane during his 20-month bid for the presidency, the borrowed jets were tapped to ferry Bush family members, his staff, and top supporters between campaign stops.

Halliburton Co., once home to Vice President Dick Cheney, was reimbursed $19,000 for flights reported mostly during June, July, and August of last year, presumably during Cheney's hunt for a Bush running mate. Incoming Commerce Secretary Don Evans' energy company, Tom Brown, was paid $24,000 by the Bush campaign for use of its corporate plane.

But the biggest reimbursement went to a company affiliated with Warren Tichenor, a San Antonio investor who advised Bush on gaining the Hispanic vote. W.W. Tichenor & Co. was paid more than $144,000 for use of its corporate jet. Tichenor, who holds a stake in dozens of Tejano music stations around the country, was one of the biggest contributors of in-kind travel costs during Bush's two previous gubernatorial campaigns, according to the Houston Chronicle.

Of course, none of this is new. Members of Congress and other political candidates often take advantage of the federal rules governing such travel, which lets them fly in the lap of luxury without the expensive price tag. Almost all of the presidential contenders during the 2000 election reported such expenditures, including Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) who reported about $152,000 in fees for borrowed jets.

During the primary, Bush called McCain, a leading proponent of campaign finance reform, a hypocrite for taking money and corporate jet rides from companies that the senator oversees as head of the Senate Commerce Committee. "I'm not letting Senator McCain get away with this Washington doubletalk," Bush told reporters last February, even though at the time his campaign had taken almost twice as many rides on such jets.

Former Vice President Al Gore, in his bid for the White House, flew exclusively on Air Force Two, reimbursing the government only what it would have cost him to fly first class on a commercial airline. However, his campaign did report a few instances of corporate jet use during the Democratic primaries, including an $8,000 payment to the insurance company AFLAC.



To: American Spirit who wrote (500939)11/30/2003 5:55:58 PM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
Of course, some candidates have access to the family airline.

heraldonline.com

Presidential candidates hop aboard corporate jets on campaign trail

By SHARON THEIMER, Associated Press
(Published October 21‚ 2003)

WASHINGTON (AP) - Democratic presidential candidates have sped across the country aboard the corporate jets of special interests dozens of times, sparing them the hassle of commercial flights while giving union leaders, lawyers and executives a chance to bend the ears of White House hopefuls.
John Edwards and his staff have taken $138,000 worth of flights aboard the private jet of a Dallas law firm. Dick Gephardt has gotten a lift aboard union planes. And Wesley Clark took his first campaign trip aboard a jet owned by a government contractor.

It's not cheap, but the convenience of having a plane at the ready can be priceless. The campaigns must pay companies or unions for flights on their planes based on the cost of first-class airfare or a charter flight.

President Bush doesn't have to worry about lining up a plane, traveling on the ultimate customized jet, Air Force One. He has reimbursed the government about $84,000 to cover campaign travel this year.

Edwards' campaign was one of the most frequent users of corporate flights, using the private aircraft of the Dallas-based Baron and Budd law firm, according to campaign reports analyzed by the Political Money Line campaign finance tracking service at the request of The Associated Press. The North Carolina senator had at least $19,000 in flights with the Archer Daniels Midland agricultural company, which has a major stake in trade, the federal farm bill and promoting ethanol fuel products.

Fred Baron, one of the firm's partners, and other company employees have given at least $70,000 to Edwards' campaign, records show.

Edwards' spokeswoman Jennifer Palmieri said corporate jets are a last resort.

"We prefer not to, because it's more expensive to have to use the private planes, but a lot of times it's your only option to keep up with the candidate's schedule," Palmieri said. "We always fly commercial when we can."

On the flip side, providing a jet for a presidential candidate has its advantages for the special interests.

"Obviously there is a healthy opportunity for interaction with the candidate, the elected official," said Pete West, a lobbyist for the National Business Aviation Association, an aviation group that wants the government to simplify the candidate travel payment rules.

"The company that provides it obviously has a profile enhancement with the political candidate or elected official simply because the candidate is relying on that particular company's aircraft," he said.

Clark paid $11,133 for flights on the Acxiom Corp., jet on Sept. 18, the day after he announced his candidacy, traveling to Florida and Iowa, spokeswoman Kym Spell said. Clark lobbied for and served on the board of Acxiom, an Arkansas-based data analysis firm that has been trying to win Homeland Security Department business.

Gephardt, the Missouri congressman and former House minority leader, reported at least $6,000 in flights on ADM planes and at least $19,000 worth on a bricklayers union aircraft. Gephardt also paid the machinists union at least $2,085 for travel on its jet. Both unions have endorsed him.

Connecticut Sen. Joe Lieberman's campaign reported at least $19,000 in flights on planes owned by the Colorado-based Tomay Inc., investment firm.

Tomay chief executive Richard Rogel's family gives to Lieberman. Lieberman's campaign reimbursed Los Angeles-based River Horse Investments at least $7,400 for travel costs and The Limited, based in Columbus, Ohio, at least $2,100; employees of each are donors to Lieberman.

Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts often uses his wife's Flying Squirrel charter airline, paying the company at least $70,000 so far.

Reports from Howard Dean's campaign showed no apparent use of corporate planes; a spokesman said the campaign may have had a few such flights and was checking.

At least one Democratic hopeful, Rep. Dennis Kucinich of Ohio, intentionally spurns the use of corporate jets, his campaign said.

Bush's campaign is required to reimburse the government for the campaign portion of trips, including flight costs for himself, first lady Laura Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney and campaign staff. Reimbursement is based on first-class service, walk-up coach fare if there is commercial service but no first class, or the charter rate if there's no commercial service.

The government pays travel costs for Secret Service agents, who guard the president on all trips.

Bush and Cheney have made more than three-dozen fund-raising stops outside Washington from mid-May, when they entered the race, through the end of the latest fund-raising quarter Sept. 30.

The Bush campaign paid White House Airlift Operations about $84,000 during the period, his campaign finance reports show. The Republican National Committee paid at least $21,000 to White House Airlift in that timeframe.

The campaign does sometimes use corporate planes: It paid San Antonio-based W.W. Tichenor & Co., investment firm at least $7,100 for air service, for example. Campaign spokesman Scott Stanzel declined to comment on campaign flight payments, beyond saying the campaign follows the law.