SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: carranza2 who wrote (18182)11/30/2003 1:17:46 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793681
 
Democrats should learn from conservatives
T.R. Fehrenbach:
San Antonio Express-News

Web Posted : 11/30/2003 12:00 AM

A long-term problem plaguing the Democratic Party, however it may do from day to day, is a lack of ideas. I don't mean election strategies but salable visions of how the country should operate decades or even generations from now.
Conversely, for many years Republicans have been brimming with notions ranging from intelligent to half-baked that have determined the agenda for political debate. Democrats and liberals have been reduced to arguing and opposing conservative ideas rather than pushing their own.

Democrats seemingly have had few new concepts beyond expanding Franklin Roosevelt's "brain trust's" New Deal. Even during the Clinton years they could never make up their minds whether to fight, delay or join the GOP chorus, and did some of all three.

Today, as Clinton's former chief of staff, John Podesta, says, Bush & Co. have basically set the political table and Democrats are mainly trying to frustrate appointments and move around the forks.

This approach may win temporary points, but it rarely expands political power, as many top Democrats realize. So they have created a new think-group, the Center for American Progress, funded by their biggest cats to formulate "new ideas." Good move: But it's going to be a Herculean labor to clean the Augean stables of the old ones.

The problem is not that intelligent Democrats can't think. (I omit the movie stars and others who believe their problem is Rush Limbaugh, Bill O'Reilly and 1,500 talk show mouths.) Rather, it's that the party forces creative minds to think within certain boundaries.

When Demos set up a think tank, they tend to call upon funders, politicians and pulse takers, none of whom are noted as deep visionaries. Such folks know all about polls, survey groups, hot buttons, policies, propaganda, etc.

They don't want to think about reshaping the progressive cosmos into a salable product, because they are locked into core constituencies opposed to any real change. These constituencies force the leadership to think near-term and to try to tweak rather than reform the status quo in matters like education, torts, taxation and other dysfunctional aspects of modern America.

Democrats complain about the dominance of conservative think tanks, which outnumber theirs 50-1, but they ignore GOP history. Early "Republican" groups were created by young ideologues who were marginal in their own party. In fact, they didn't give a damn about the party; what they wanted was to shape American views on public policy.

Ideas confronted included: Is government good or a necessary evil? If taxes are the price of civilization, what is the real price? Is coercion moral to enforce good works? Should the United States play nice guy or get rough with bums abroad? Should we pray for peace or acquire more "peacemakers"? Out of this mix came basic conservative beliefs: less government, lower taxes and more defense.

Concurrently, liberalism was subjected to rational analysis, which, of course, no manmade doctrine can survive.

Finally — note the order — conservative think tanks brought in pols and activists to help hone actual proposals and sell them. Idea-issues like school vouchers, tax reform, privatization and welfare reform all stemmed from conservative think tanks. Pro or con, they've dominated public debate ever since.

Pioneer conservative intellectuals had no interest in the next election, nor the next. Nor in the party establishment after the Goldwater fiasco of '64. To the dismay of many elder politicians, they made their ideas mainstream over a course of years.

But this points up a difference between conservatives and Democrats beyond the issues. Conservatives don't care who runs government so long as it carries out their visions. They worry about the direction of the country, not who's holding which office. Many have no interest in office or power, preferring influence.

Conversely, Democrats long for office; government is their business. This makes every election a crisis. They must put together winning coalitions, not a generation from now, but today. This cuts long-range thinking off at the pass.

Public education not working? Can't touch that, teachers' unions. Legal system a drag? Don't go there, trial lawyers, the party's fattest funders, love the status quo. Create an energy policy? Forget it, if this means creating more energy to fuel Toyotas in Texas. Win white hearts and minds in the South? Wash out your mouth and abase yourself three times.

But without attacking such matters of substance, "resetting the table" may be like rearranging place settings on the Titanic, however the next battle turns out.

news.mysanantonio.com



To: carranza2 who wrote (18182)11/30/2003 4:12:25 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793681
 
"Dances with Samuri" and "Cold Mountain" will both be excellent, I think. They have a way to go to beat "Master and Commander."

November 30, 2003
Hollywood's New Toy: 19th-Century Action Figures
By A. O. SCOTT NEW YORK TIMES

This is shaping up as a big year for the 19th century, at least at the movies. No fewer than four studios — Fox, Columbia, Miramax and Warner Brothers — are staking their holiday box office and Oscar ambitions on long, expensive, wide-screen epics featuring elaborate period costumes and bloody, in some cases half-forgotten, military conflicts.

Last Wednesday, Cate Blanchett (with the assistance of Tommy Lee Jones) took on a gang of renegade Indians in "The Missing," set in the high desert of New Mexico in 1885. On Friday, Tom Cruise opens in "The Last Samurai," playing an embittered veteran of both the Civil War and the subsequent anti-Indian campaigns who leads a platoon of rebellious Japanese swordsmen against the better-equipped, American-trained Meiji Imperial army. By late December, when "Cold Mountain" opens, Mr. Cruise's former wife, Nicole Kidman, will be stoically holding up the home front as her on-screen lover, a Confederate soldier played by Jude Law, makes his way home from the battlefield. Meanwhile, back in 1805, Russell Crowe, in "Master and Commander," will continue his pursuit of a French warship — and also of a second best-actor statuette to go with the one he received for "Gladiator."

If Disney had not postponed the opening of "The Alamo" until spring, it might have been conceivable, if not necessarily plausible, that all five of the best-picture nominees for 2003 would be scored to cannon and musket fire and decorated with gold braid and brass buttons. As it is, more than a few Internet handicappers are holding a place, sight unseen, for "Cold Mountain," and assuming that at least two of the others have a reasonable shot. But whether or not these pictures actually resonate with Oscar voters, they were all clearly conceived with such honors in mind. Their nearly simultaneous release is the kind of culture-industry happenstance that takes on the markings of a cultural symptom. Hollywood is suddenly — that is, once again — heavily invested in the military pageantry of the past, which suggests that quite a few filmmakers are betting that the public will be interested, too. It is hard not to imagine some historical or symbolic connection between the long-ago conflicts they depict and the conflicts that trouble us now.

These movies may reveal more about the current state of large-scale, "important" filmmaking than about the current state of the world. The three I have seen — "Master and Commander," "The Missing" and "The Last Samurai" — look backward not only for subject matter but also for stylistic inspiration. They are all, fundamentally, action movies, their noise and brutality punctuated by quieter stretches during which some perennial themes — honor, duty, loyalty, tradition — are earnestly discussed. Curiously, each one also pauses for a gruesome glimpse of 19th-century surgery, as teeth are pulled, bullets removed and wounds stitched with impressive skill in primitive conditions. These moments might serve as metaphors for the movies themselves, which perform miracles of technique using old-fashioned tools. The directors, Peter Weir, Ron Howard and Edward Zwick, respectively, make relatively little use of the computer-generated imagery that has become a staple of action filmmaking, relying instead on the older arts of set-building, location shooting and the marshaling of hordes of flesh-and-blood extras.

These directors also, both overtly and implicitly, evoke past masters of their chosen genres. Many of the reviews of "Master and Commander" have noted that Mr. Weir has an ability to combine narrative sweep and psychological detail that recalls David Lean. Ron Howard, in "The Missing," is pointedly evoking John Ford's Technicolor tales of rescue and revenge on the vanishing frontier — "The Searchers" most obviously. Edward Zwick, mobilizing his samurai warriors for some of the most elaborate battle scenes in recent memory, is clearly trying to go back to the savage martial splendor of Akira Kurosawa. (He makes it about as far as Mel Gibson's "Braveheart" and Kevin Costner's "Dances With Wolves," which "The Last Samurai" in effect grafts together and transplants into 19th-century Japan).

All of these films aim to breathe new life into the kind of cinematic spectacle that hovers perpetually on the brink of obsolescence — to answer the perennial complaint that they don't make them like they used to. But of course they can't make them exactly like they used to, especially when it comes to war movies and westerns. "The Missing" and "The Last Samurai" (which is, despite its Eastern setting, generically a western), try at once to honor the grandeur and heroism of their movie traditions and to avoid ruffling contemporary sensitivities. "The Missing" is a curious hybrid of classic and revisionist western mythology, featuring an almost supernaturally evil Indian villain and, in the person of Mr. Jones, a spiritually enlightened, Indianized white man. The movie is also careful to suggest that the treachery of the Indians, which motivates Ms. Blanchett's righteous revenge, results not from their innate savagery but from the rapacity of the white man. Early in their pursuit of the bad guys, Ms. Blanchett and Mr. Jones encounter a cavalry unit (led by Val Kilmer), which proves to be both useless and corrupt, looting a homestead whose occupants have been kidnapped and killed. In "The Last Samurai," the post-Civil War American military is similarly bankrupt. Mr. Cruise's character is haunted by the guilt of having participated in the slaughter of innocents, and he finds absolution in joining the samurai revolt against a modern army advised by the man who once commanded him to kill Indian women and children. (In their heroic, doomed resistance to modernity in the name of quasi-feudal traditions of honor, Mr. Zwick's samurai also evoke the mythology of the Confederacy, minus the inconvenient fact of slavery.)

"Master and Commander" is a more satisfying entertainment, in part because it has no patience with such hand-wringing ambivalence. "The Missing" and "The Last Samurai," aware that they risk demonizing the Indians and the (nonsamurai) Japanese, compensate with the equally dubious strategy of romanticizing them and demonizing the white Americans. ("Why do you hate your own people so much?" Mr. Cruise's nemesis, a genocidally inclined American soldier, demands at one point.) The French receive no such treatment, in part because the conventions of the war movie are different from those of the western. The French in Mr. Weir's film, like the Japanese in a 1945 submarine picture, are simply the enemy, and as such deserve both hatred and respect, since they are, in combat if not in a larger moral scheme, the mirror image of the good guys. ("He fights like you, Jack," one of Mr. Crowe's officers remarks, speaking of the wily French captain.) But the difference may have as much to do with national temperament as with style or genre. The western, whatever its ideological coloration, nearly always revolves around a mythic idea of innocence, which is both lost and restored by acts of violence. War becomes a spiritual struggle that takes place not only on the battlefield but within the soul of the protagonist. The war in "Master and Commander" is never more (though certainly never less) than the political conflict between nations. It is a film committed to realism as both an aesthetic and as a world view — which may be the most old-fashioned thing about it, and also, in present circumstances, the most un-American.

nytimes.com