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To: calgal who wrote (18512)12/3/2003 2:05:39 PM
From: calgal  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793905
 
Show-time in parallel universes

URL:http://www.jewishworldreview.com/cols/chavez.html

newsandopinion.com | "The Reagans," the controversial made-for-TV movie finally made its way into American homes this week — but not nearly as many homes as originally planned after CBS moved it to its smaller, premium cable channel Showtime. I watched the entire three-hour melodrama in order to participate in a special Showtime panel discussion, aired after the movie, along with five other people who were invited to comment.

The other guests included Reagan biographer and former Washington Post reporter Lou Cannon; veteran newsman Marvin Kalb; longtime Reagan advisor Martin Anderson, who is also the editor of three published collections of Ronald Reagan's letters, speeches and radio commentaries; as well as two Reagan critics, AIDS activist Hillary Rosen and the film's co-producer Carl Anthony. Anyone who tuned into the discussion, however, might have thought the panelists had seen two entirely different movies, so little could we agree on what we'd seen.

Cannon, Kalb, Anderson and I agreed that the movie was not only factually flawed but bore the unmistakable mark of deep animus toward President Reagan. I thought the president came off as more or less a dolt, a man easily manipulated by others, indifferent to the suffering not only of AIDS victims but his own children.

It's almost impossible to believe that the director, producers and writers of "The Reagans" didn't intend to portray Ronald Reagan in this way. Indeed, the movie's two most prominent themes were that Reagan was somehow responsible for the AIDS crisis that killed thousands of mostly gay men during his presidency, and that he was so out-to-lunch during his time in the White House that he was nearly impeached over the Iran-Contra scandal.

The movie opens and closes on the Iran-Contra theme. The opening shot is of a stricken Reagan — looking as if he is already in the advanced stages of Alzheimer's, a cruel and vindictive touch — as Nancy and presidential aide Mike Deaver inform him he faces impeachment for selling arms for hostages. "The evidence is overwhelming," Deaver tells a tearful Nancy.

I could hardly believe my eyes and ears. Ronald Reagan never faced any threat of impeachment. Indeed, when I searched a database of articles from major newspapers from November 1986, when the Iran-Contra arms deal story first broke, to January 1989, when President Reagan left office, there were only a handful of mentions of impeachment related to Iran-Contra, and most of these were from columnist Mary McGrory, a famously left-wing partisan.



While Rep. Lee Hamilton, the Democrat who chaired the Iran-Contra hearings in the House, made passing reference in a television interview to the possibility of impeachment if it turned out President Reagan knew funds were being diverted to fund the Contras, but it was an offhand remark from which he quickly pulled back. In fact, Hamilton told veteran reporter David Broder that he would not join those Democrats who say, ''a president should not conduct a covert action without approval of Congress. I think a president has to have authority to conduct secret operations, so long as Congress is notified.''

Reagan was never in danger of being impeached, and Iran-Contra did not define his presidency. An ABC/Washington Post poll taken in July 1987, during the height of the controversy and following the televised hearings into the matter, showed that only 40 percent of Americans believed Reagan had made "major mistakes" in the affair, and nearly two-thirds believed that the president should use his pardon authority to prevent prosecution of Ollie North, the White House aide who was at the center of the scandal.

As for President Reagan's putative indifference to the AIDS crisis, it's hard to know exactly what the film's creators believe the president could have done to stop the spread of AIDS. Could he have allocated more money to research? Sure, but we've spent billions in research in the intervening years, with no cure yet in sight. What's more, President Reagan's insistence on faster approval for AIDS drugs from the Food and Drug Administration helped usher in a new era of treatment that has kept many HIV sufferers alive and relatively healthy for years.

Could the president have argued from his bully pulpit for "safe sex"? Yes, but nearly 20 years of constant hammering away on this theme still goes ignored by many gay men. The Center for Disease Control reported this week that new HIV infections among gay men were up 17 percent between 1999 and 2002. Perhaps the makers of "The Reagans" will figure out a way to blame this on President Bush in some future made-for-TV fantasy.



To: calgal who wrote (18512)12/3/2003 2:17:10 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793905
 
Here is an article that discusses quite a few of us here.

Republican Not Conservative

In recent articles for the City Journal and National Review, Brian Anderson and Jonah Goldberg discuss the phenomenon of so-called “South Park Republicans.” There’s a subtext running throughout Anderson’s piece on conservative media changes, “We’re Not Losing the Culture Wars Anymore,” and Goldberg’s “not-so-fast-junior” response, “Building Up the Right,” that neither seems to confront. Beneath each is the semantic problem: How do “conservatives” square their “conservatism” with such non-conservative fare as South Park?

Anderson breezes over the contradiction: “Lots of cable [television] comedy, while not traditionally conservative, is fiercely anti-liberal, which as a practical matter often amounts to the same thing.” Goldberg is unconvinced: “mocking the Left is not the same thing as building up the Right.” While each clearly relishes the anti-PC agenda of South Park and others, both approach the shift in bias from a conservative point of view and overlook a critical point: the so-called “South Park Republicans” aren’t really conservative.

While Anderson notes this slightly (mostly through quoted sources), Goldberg conflates “the Right,” “Republican,” and “conservative.” Not only is such a practice riddled with political dangers, but it misses a huge opportunity for their favored political party.

There is a simpler designation for those who favor low-taxes, smaller government, greater personal freedom, and better defense and it has no literal connection with blue-blazer wearing, rarely-fornicating, uptight squares.

The word is “Republican.”

More than a few people are uncomfortable with the “conservative” label. Everyone knows what the word means, no matter how it’s dressed up politically – “opposed to change; desiring the preservation of the existing order of things; moderate; cautious…” (Webster’s). It is, decidedly, not cool.

Until 9/11, the Libertarians had a lock on those who knew they weren’t conservative but weren’t left-liberals. Two things happened following 9/11 regarding this issue. One, young people who were just going through the motions as “conservatives” but who had never contributed to the face of the Republican Party suddenly energized, jumped into view, and changed the face of the party to be younger, hipper and a little rough around the edges. Two, many former Libertarians jumped ship following the LP’s limp response to terrorism.

The result was an influx of “liberal” minds to the Republican side of the debate. The great success of weblogging shows off this trend in sharp detail. One need look no further than the “Blogfather,” Glenn Reynolds of Instapundit.com, for evidence. Reynolds openly discusses pre-marital sex, rock ‘n’ roll, drug use and other non-conservative subjects while maintaining a resolute support of the war in Iraq. Time was when no one spoke favorably on all these topics except P.J. O’Rourke.

Indeed, O’Rourke is the spiritual godfather of the “South Park Republicans.” His own journey into the heart and mind of a man who was “Republican, not conservative” was a collection of pieces titled, Republican Party Reptile. In the introduction, O’Rourke made his intentions clear:

So, what I’d really like is a new label. And I’m sure there are a lot of people who feel the same way. We are the Republican Party Reptiles. We look like Republicans, and think like conservatives, but we drive a lot faster and keep vibrators and baby oil and a video camera behind the stack of sweaters on the bedroom closet shelf. I think our agenda is clear. We are opposed to: government spending, Kennedy kids, seat-belt laws, being a pussy about nuclear power, busing our children anywhere other than Yale, trailer courts near our vacation homes, Gary Hart, all tiny Third World countries that don’t have banking secrecy laws, aerobics, the U.N. taxation without tax loopholes, and jewelry on men. We are in favor of: guns, drugs, fast cars, free love (if our wives don’t find out), a sound dollar, cleaner environment (poor people should cut it out with the graffiti), a strong military with spiffy uniforms, Natassia Kinski, Star Wars (and anything else that scares the Russkies)…
Conservatives once defined themselves as “standing athwart history yelling ‘Stop!’” This antiquated thinking doesn’t suit (if it ever did) young generations who see the future as promising more freedom, more prosperity, and more potential. We don’t want to freeze progress; we want to unbridle it. From time to time, conservatives have proffered new explications of “conservatism” – social conservatism, political conservatism, fiscal conservatism, et cetera -- but we all know what a conservative is.

So conservatives have a choice. They can continue to malign the English language with their elastic definition of “conservative” or malign their reptilian allies by attempting to pigeon-hole them with the tag. The fact is that nothing about the republican theory of government has anything to do with being “conservative.” Republicans (by historical definition, not party definition) oppose elitism, aristocratic rule and tyranny. They favor a representative government in the background, not foreground, of their lives. These are the very traits embraced by the “South Park Republicans.”

The more conservatives favor expanding government to “protect” marriage, outlaw abortion, ban assisted suicide, harass pot smokers, et cetera, the quicker they will drive their new friends away. Glenn Reynolds has called these conservative expansions of government evidence of “fair-weather federalism.” Whether or not the young reptiles care to dally on the constitutionality of these actions is a question still open. What has been decided is that decades of politician-suggested conservatism from both sides of the aisle – the PMRC; the Clipper Chip; smoking bans; congressional hearings on video game violence, rap music and college drinking – have definitely rubbed young people the wrong way.

The Republicans have a moment here that they could seize. They can dig in with the conservatives and continue to muck about with the peripheral issues; or they can shed the conservative tag, embrace the reptilian “South Park Republicans” and get to work on the fundamental issues: freedom, prosperity, promise.

The sooner the Republicans draw up a platform that concentrates only on those functions designated to the government (national defense, protection of individual rights, enabler of free-enterprise) and simplifies all the rest (flat tax, voluntary Social Security), the more futuristic they will look and the more friends they will find they have.

"Republican not conservative" is a political description that makes sense. It is unhindered by the contradictions that conservatives continually try to justify.

O’Rourke concluded in 1986, “There are thousands of people in America who feel this way, especially after three or four drinks.”

Seventeen years later, we could be cruising for that hangover he predicted.

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