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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: mistermj who wrote (18561)12/4/2003 12:22:54 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793838
 
The "New York Times" ran an editorial whining about Kyoto today. I giggled all the way through it. Friedman ruminates about Iraq.

December 4, 2003
OP-ED COLUMNIST
God and Man in Baghdad
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

re you sitting down?

We've encountered many surprises since we invaded Iraq, but now that the political process is under way the biggest surprise may be just around the corner, and it's this: The first post-Saddam democratic government that the U.S. gives birth to in Iraq may be called the Islamic Republic of Iraq — and that's not necessarily a bad thing. I told you to sit down.

The challenge of reforming any of the 22 nondemocratic Arab states comes down to a very simple question: How do you get from here to there — how do you go from an authoritarian monarchy or a military regime to a more representative government — without ending up with a Khomeini-like theocracy à la Iran or a civil war à la Algeria?

Virtually all of these Arab states suffer from the same problem: because of decades of political repression, one-man rule and economic stagnation, there is no viable middle class and no legitimate, independent political parties and institutions to fill the void once the authoritarian leadership is removed. Iraq exhibits this problem in spades.

As a result, in the Sunni and Shiite areas of Iraq, the primary sources of legitimacy, and political expression, are tribal and religious. This dependence upon, and respect for, religious authority will be reflected in the first post-Saddam government — whether it comes about by indirect or direct elections. Because Shiites make up 60 percent of Iraq, and because the only current legitimate Shiite leaders are religious figures, their views and aspirations will have to be taken into account.

There is, however, good reason to believe that Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the most revered Shiite cleric in Iraq and the only one who can claim to speak for Iraqi Shiites as a whole, does not aspire to be a Khomeini. Many Iraqi Shiite clerics have lived in Iran and avowedly do not want to follow its authoritarian path. Moreover, because Shiites are a majority in Iraq, they are the ones with the greatest stake in keeping Iraq a unified state. Given their numbers, any democratic Iraq is one where Shiites, be they liberals or conservatives, will have great influence. But to keep Iraq unified the Shiites will have to respect the rights and aspirations of Iraq's Kurds and Sunnis, as well as other minorities.

What is unfolding in Iraq today — a tug of war between Ayatollah Sistani and the Governing Council over how an interim government should be elected — is something inevitable, essential and inescapably messy.

"What we are witnessing," explains Yitzhak Nakash, the Brandeis University professor who is the author of "The Shi'is of Iraq," "is a very healthy bargaining session over what will be the relationship between religion and politics in Iraq and over the process of choosing legitimate national and communal leaders. It is very important that the Americans show respect for the views of Sistani — whose tacit support for the U.S. presence in Iraq has been enormously important — and let Sistani and the other Iraqi political forces thrash this out on their own."

Ayatollah Sistani is "not a Khomeini," adds Mr. Nakash, and he does not envisage an Iraq ruled directly by clerics. The ayatollah comes from the quietist school of Shiite clerics, who have traditionally attempted to shield themselves from politics. In demanding elections, he's obviously looking out for Shiite interests, but he's also insisting that the new Iraqi government be as legitimate and stable as possible.

"If there is going to be a stable government in Iraq, it has to come about after some genuine public debate and after some consensus is reached regarding the relationship between religion and state, and between the clerics and the politicians," Mr. Nakash said. "Otherwise, no Iraqi government will last once the Americans leave. It will not have a legitimate base."

If things go reasonably well, the result will be an initial Iraqi government that is more religious than Turkey but more democratic than Iran. Not bad.

We must not try to abort this unfolding discussion among Iraqis. In fact, we should be proud of it. We are fostering a much-needed free political dialogue in the heart of the Arab world. Our job is to make sure there is enough security for this critical discussion, so I would bring every U.S. soldier from Europe and Japan to Iraq to make this work.

There is no more important political project for the U.S. in the world today than seeing whether Iraq can get from Saddam to Jefferson without going through Khomeini.

nytimes.com



To: mistermj who wrote (18561)12/4/2003 11:19:29 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793838
 
This sounds fairly accurate.

AFGHANISTAN: BULLETS VS. BALLOTS

By CRAIG CHARNEY
NY Post
December 4, 2003 -- KABUL, AFGHANISTAN

A COUPLE of years ago, in the angry aftermath of 9/11, I wrote to a friend overseas, "Kabul will soon be ka-BOOM!" Sure enough, it soon was. Now, for my sins, I've spent two weeks in Kabul, trying to help pick up the pieces.

Flying in, Afghanistan's barren, rough hills and valleys looked like a lunar landscape painted tan. I'd never seen a country with fewer of the spots of green patchwork that mark peasant farmland in developing nations. Then, suddenly, the city appeared, spilling across a valley under the right wing of the plane even as the left barely seemed to clear more empty hills.

Kabul is a mass of squat, square gray one- or two-story buildings. It is full of bustle, energy and activity - people are moving about, shops are open. Indeed, as security has improved in the city, they are even open at night now.

Every street is a colorful photo op - an old man in a turban here, kids in jeans there, a woman plodding down the street covered in a sky blue burka. A mass of traffic, colorful beat-up trucks, new aid agency cars and Land Rovers, German Army Hummers from the International Security Assistance Force, and people on incredibly rickety old bicycles swirl this way and that.

Inevitably, most of my time has been spent with other foreigners. Kabul is the new expatriate "scene," the next stop on the Democracy Trail after Cambodia, South Africa, Bosnia, Indonesia, East Timor and Kosovo. Many veterans of those places are here. For a new generation of younger people interested in international humanitarian assistance, Kabul is the beginning.

Hundreds of idealistic young (and not so young) foreigners are trying to improve things. Their projects include legal reform, child protection, agricultural improvements, road building, girls' education, women's rights, de-mining, demobilizing militias and laying the groundwork for national elections next year.



Because they offer hope, aid workers have become targets for the Taliban and al Qaeda. During the first 18 months after the fall of the Taliban, foreigners could have offered help anywhere in Afghanistan, but a distracted Bush administration and world community did not act while they could have.

While the reappearance of the Taliban in the country's southeast finally forced them to loosen the purse strings, we face a resurgent enemy who is changing tactics.

There are fewer attacks on U.S. forces - who hit back - but since July, attacks against Afghans and foreigners working for NGOs (non-governmental organizations - international nonprofits) have risen exponentially. On a U.N. security map of the country, most of the southeast is blood red (a no-go area for foreign aid) while the rest of the region is yellow (U.N. staff allowed only with armed escorts).

One of the worst-hit areas is Zabol province, where recently a Turkish engineer leading a road crew was kidnapped and an attempt was made to kidnap two female journalists from the Christian Science Monitor staying at my guest house. In that incident, four al Qaeda men stopped the women's driver and asked where they were, then beat him up and stole his car after learning they were back in Kabul.

In recent weeks, an Indian telephone contractor and a French aid worker have been shot dead, while there have been bombings in Kabul and Kandahar.

In Afghanistan, the War on Terror is very real.

Yet, though the conflict is growing, it's far from hopeless. The NATO-led International Security Assistance Force is at last being expanded outside Kabul and changing tactics. Rather than garrisoning the towns, like the Russians, they are sending out a couple of hundred soldiers to each of several regions. These teams do some civic rebuilding, provide security to aid agencies, act as a tripwire when more force is needed and, most important, help resolve local factional disputes.

Reports from the north and center, where these military groups were first deployed, suggest they are having some success. Others will soon head south. They are called Provincial Reconstruction Teams. (I'd call the detachments the Taliban is sending in the Provincial Deconstruction Teams.)

Afghanistan today recalls Cambodia in the early '90s, when the Khmer Rouge held part of the country and tried to play the spoiler against the international community with similar tactics. They failed. I believe the Taliban and al Qaeda also will fail.

The most important reason for hope is the determination of Afghans to rebuild their country, working with foreign help. Their desire is for peace and a chance to choose, not more war or the return of religious fanaticism. In their hands, the ballot is likely to prove mightier than the bullet.

Craig Charney is president of Charney Research, a New York polling firm.

nypost.com