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To: FaultLine who wrote (18693)12/5/2003 1:07:39 AM
From: frankw1900  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793903
 
Try Chain link fence

How do you stick it on a helicopter?



To: FaultLine who wrote (18693)12/5/2003 3:23:59 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793903
 
I used to see some local theatre in LA. I can bet this one pulled well in West LA. "Fox" News.


Robbins' 'Embedded' Play Not So Realistic

Monday, December 01, 2003

By William LaJeunesse

LOS ANGELES — Embedded journalists brought the Iraq war live into America's living rooms.

But now, actor and anti-war activist Tim Robbins has written and directed a play depicting his version of what he thinks happened in Iraq.

Robbins, an ardent critic of President Bush, as well as the war, isn't a journalist, nor is he a soldier who has been to Iraq. In fact, he's never been embedded with the troops.

But his play, "Embedded," profiles the journalists who traveled with and reported on U.S. soldiers in Iraq and features the president's war cabinet. It was written in Los Angeles and produced in Hollywood.

Robbins portrays journalists as Pentagon puppets, U.S. soldiers as thieves and killers of innocent women and children, and the Bush cabinet as war mongers willing to start a war to escape the negative publicity of the Enron scandal.

In production less than a month, the play received not one, but two glowing reviews from the Los Angeles Times. Robbins' audience appears to accept his version of the war as the gospel truth.

"It is not propaganda. It is a voice of dissent, which is different than propaganda," said audience member Kadina Dayal-Halday.

When Laura Israel, another audience member, was asked if she thought the play was accurate, she replied: "Yes, not only on what is going on there, but it also showed how we are being lied to by all the networks."

One person who wasn't convinced by the portrayals was Marine Maj. Rich Doherty.

"It was spun to make it look like that leadership started this war simply for its own political agenda … and that can't be further from the truth," Doherty said.

Doherty, who has a Ph.D. from Berkeley, fought in Iraq and worked alongside several embedded journalists. After the show, which Fox News was not allowed to tape, Doherty discussed the performance with some of the audience and cast members.

"You're not on the ground, there is no historical, no empirical evidence to say...that what you're believing or saying politically (is true)," Doherty said.

"With all due respect sir, a lot of people in this country feel this administration went to this war with an agenda of their own and this play resonates with a lot of people who come to see it," countered V.J. Foster, an actor who plays the character of Col. Hardchannel in the play.

"That is your opinion based on what you saw in the newspaper," Doherty shot back. "I'm giving you an opinion based on what I saw with my boots on the ground and in the sand."

In the play, Hardchannel calls reporters "his bitches" and says that if he doesn't like what they write, he'll write it himself and simply use their names. He also censors all reports coming out of Iraq. Fox News journalists embedded with the troops, as well as other journalists interviewed for this story, said they never experienced any kind of censorship. Reporters were only told that they could not reveal operation details that might threaten the safety of U.S. troops -- a condition the Pentagon put on the embedded journalist program.

In reality, no one from the military or the government looked at copy produced by Fox News, touched the videotape, or edited scenes, and no one told reporters what to say.

"Not everything is factual, and maybe that is our fault through satire," added another "Embedded" actor, Kirk Pynchon, who plays a journalist. "Sometimes we make those errors, but it's the same kind of laughter that one gets watching an episode of MASH."

But most people, particularly journalists who actually were embedded with the troops overseas, will argue that Operation Iraqi Freedom was nothing like MASH.

"That demeans the Marines that were killed in my battalion, (to say they) died because five guys in a room thought it was fun to go create a war," Doherty said. "That is bad, bad theater, bad taste."

Robbins had declined to discuss "Embedded" with Fox News until after someone from the channel saw the play. But even after the viewing, Robbins declined interviews.

As in any work of fiction, playwright Robbins was free to invent his own reality of what led to the war in Iraq and what happened there. But for the men and women who served and for those reporters who actually covered them, "Embedded" -- while entertaining -- is far from the truth.

foxnews.com



To: FaultLine who wrote (18693)12/5/2003 3:53:58 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793903
 
This brings back memories of my Orange County days. I will never forget Sonny Bono bringing down the House at a Republican Washington gathering with a routine about how he went over to set with J C Watts when Dornan was in an argument on the House floor.



Dornan Picks Fight on New Turf
The fiery ex-lawmaker who lost his seat in 1996 will run against fellow conservative Republican Dana Rohrabacher. It's an echo of a 1991 threat.
By Jean O. Pasco
Times Staff Writer

December 5, 2003

Arch-conservative Robert K. Dornan, whose trenchant rhetoric earned him the nickname "Mouth of the House" during his 18 years in Congress, filed papers this week to take on Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (R-Huntington Beach) in the March primary.

Dornan, who lost his central Orange County seat to Rep. Loretta Sanchez (D-Garden Grove) in 1996 and failed again in a 1998 rematch, paid a $1,547 filing fee Wednesday. He has until 5 p.m. today to submit 40 to 60 signatures from registered voters in the 46th Congressional District, an area Rohrabacher has represented since 1988.

Rohrabacher said he hoped Dornan wouldn't follow through with the threat, which echoed one Dornan made in 1991. Dornan didn't return calls Thursday seeking comment.

"Bob has every right to run anyplace he wants to," Rohrabacher said. "I'm just sorry he seems to be fixated on me."

By targeting Rohrabacher's district for a political comeback, Dornan continues a strategy of chasing conservative votes, having been chased out of two other districts where increasingly Democratic voters turned against him.

Rohrabacher predicted that Dornan wouldn't be welcomed by his GOP voters. The coastal district stretches from Palos Verdes Estates in Los Angeles County to Newport Beach in Orange County. Voters there prefer a "positive conservative spirit" from their lawmakers, Rohrabacher said. "Bob's conservatism comes from a more negative and bygone era."

Dornan's plan to re-enter politics — after spending the last seven years broadcasting a radio show from his home in Virginia — surprised observers who figured that at 70, Dornan had retired from campaigning.

The move says more about Dornan, they said, than about any further swing to the right in Orange County, which has become more diverse politically in his absence. The county, for example, voted heavily in October for Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger rather than the more conservative GOP candidate, Tom McClintock.

Dornan's "time has come and gone," said John J. Pitney Jr., professor of government at Claremont McKenna College and author of "The Art of Political Warfare."

"He had a following in his home district, but after the losses to Sanchez, he's yesterday's news," Pitney said. "It's kind of a shame. He's an ink junkie, and he needs his fix."

If Dornan mounts a serious campaign, it would bleed money from Rohrabacher that the incumbent could have raised and sent to other primary races, said longtime political strategist Ken Khachigian. "I'd much rather see him run against Loretta," he said.

Sanchez said simply, "Bob's got to stop."

At the height of his House career, Dornan was known as a fiery ideologue who said what he thought, regardless of political correctness. Supporters applauded his bluntness and bite; opponents saw him as a loose cannon whose extreme views alienated voters and colleagues.

During a 1992 primary race, for example, he blurted to a television interviewer that "every lesbian spear-chucker in this country is hoping I get defeated." He scuffled with one colleague in 1985 after the man objected to Dornan calling him a "draft-dodging wimp."

He chastised former President Clinton for being an adulterer and for jogging in "silk, girlie-girlie" shorts that displayed his "white, doughboy thighs."

During a Dornan tirade on the House floor, Democratic House Speaker Thomas P. "Tip" O'Neill remarked, "Dornan, you need a psychiatrist."

But the California congressman, a former Air Force pilot, was widely appreciated by the aerospace industry as an ardent supporter of military spending, winning him the sobriquet "B-1 Bob."

Dornan won his first congressional seat in 1976, representing West Los Angeles and Santa Monica, after hosting a Los Angeles television talk show. A former B-movie and television actor, Dornan had appeared in the 1960s television series "12 O'Clock High." His uncle Jack Haley was best known as the Tin Man in "The Wizard of Oz."

After Dornan's district was redrawn, making it more Democratic, he ran unsuccessfully in 1982 for the U.S. Senate and then looked to move to a safer seat. In 1984, he set his sights on a coastal congressional district stretching through Huntington Beach represented by five-term Democratic Rep. Jerry Patterson.

Claiming a local motel as his residence, Dornan beat Patterson by a margin of eight percentage points after outspending him by more than $300,000. He and his wife, Sallie, bought a house in Garden Grove, which they still own and where they're registered to vote. The district was split after a 1991 reapportionment, and Dornan followed the new 47th District in central Orange County, where he counted on his incumbency to nurture support despite a less conservative, blue-collar constituency.

He was reelected in 1992 and 1994 but lost in '96 to Sanchez as the district grew more Democratic. He lost again in 1998.

Dornan has a nostalgic following among some of Orange County's most conservative activists — but they also count Rohrabacher as a friend, said Brian Park, former state chairman of the ultraconservative Young Americans for Freedom. The battle probably will split conservatives, he said.

And though the two hold many of the same political views, a personal rivalry between Dornan and Rohrabacher, 56, has existed for years.

In November 1998, Dornan criticized Rohrabacher and Rep. Christopher Cox (R-Newport Beach) for failing to help him enough in his campaign. At an election night party sponsored by the Orange County GOP, a shoving match erupted in the crowd after Dornan took to the microphone and blamed other Republicans for his loss to Sanchez.

As the gathering broke up, Bob Dornan Jr. walked up to Rohrabacher and repeated a profanity-laden charge that Rohrabacher and Cox hadn't done enough to help his father. The junior Dornan vowed that he and his brother, Mark, would run against the two veteran congressmen in 2000. They didn't.

A month later, Dornan announced that he had hired pollsters to gauge his election chances in districts represented by Rohrabacher, Cox, Rep. Ron Packard (R-Carlsbad) and Rep. Ed Royce (R-Fullerton). "I think Congress is a lesser place with me not there," he said.

This week's decision to run against Rohrabacher harks back to 1991 when Dornan stunned Republican leaders by announcing that he intended to run against Rohrabacher. His congressional seat had been moved to include more areas in Orange County.

Dornan suggested that Rohrabacher defer to his political seniority and run in a neighboring district, which had been redrawn to include some of the younger lawmaker's territory in Los Angeles County.

But Rohrabacher vowed to stay put, and Dornan eventually filed to run in the central Orange County 47th district, the seat he eventually lost to Sanchez.

The decision not to run against Rohrabacher, Dornan said at the time, came after he received a call from Rohrabacher's mother. She tugged at his heart, Dornan said, and convinced him to avoid a GOP primary fight with her son.

After Dornan's about-face, a relieved Rohrabacher announced, "There's nothing that Bob Dornan could do for the rest of his life where I won't be his friend."

The friendship's over, Rohrabacher said Thursday. He said he'd been hoping not to draw a primary opponent so he could devote more time to his wife, Rhonda, who is pregnant with triplets and due in April.

latimes.com



To: FaultLine who wrote (18693)12/5/2003 6:00:47 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793903
 
Are small classes the answer? Try these numbers. NY Post

GOLD-PLATED CLASSROOMS

By MARCUS A. WINTERS
Marcus A. Winters is a research associate at the Manhattan Institute's Edu- cation Research Office


December 1, 2003 -- LAST June, a court ruled that New York state must spend more money on New York City's public schools. The case, brought by the Campaign for Fiscal Equality, was lauded by the teacher unions and their defenders, who have argued for years that the only thing necessary to improve education is more money and smaller classes. But a small New York school district shows that the teacher-union way is no panacea.
Nestled on the tip of Long Island is the small city of Bridgehampton. Its school district is made up of a single K-12 school with an enrollment of 153 students. The school serves a diverse student population - 54 percent of its students are African-American and 31 percent of its students are eligible for free or reduced-price lunches.

All in all, it looks like many other school districts across the nation. But it differs from other districts in one very important way: its budget. Bridgehampton spends a total of $45,090 per student.

In the 2000-01 school Year, Bridgehampton spent $24,593 per student just on instruction costs for non-disabled students. (Instruction costs include things like teacher salaries and books, but exclude things like construction and building overhead.) This is more than three times the average of $8,163 per pupil spent by districts that the New York Department of Education considers similar to Bridgehampton, and more than three and a half times the $6,675 spent by the average New York state public school.

According to the school's budget, which Bridgehampton was reluctant to provide to me and which I ultimately had to obtain from the state, teacher salaries in the district are reasonable and the school's other costs are high but not outrageous. So where is the extra money going? Are the books made of gold?

The main thing that Bridgehampton gets from its enormous financial investment in public education also happens to be one of the major priorities for the teacher unions: smaller classes. And when I say small, I mean small.

In 2001-02, Bridgehampton employed one teacher for every 3.7 students. That's a teacher-student ratio smaller than the parent-child ratio in thousands of American households. The school's class sizes ranged from 12 students in kindergarten to five in its 10th grade math class. Other New York districts with larger enrollments than Bridgehampton's don't employ this many teachers.



From the looks of it, Bridgehampton is a real-life example of the educational ideal the teacher unions are always upholding. But although $24,593 in operating costs per student buys smaller classes, it has not bought Bridgehampton better results.

Bridgehampton scored below the state average on both the elementary and middle-school English and math Regents Examinations in the 2001-02 school year. Its average scores on the math test were 623 at the elementary level and 709 at the middle school level, compared to the state average of 651 in elementary and 712 in middle-school math.

Though these scores are not appallingly below the state average, they are far worse than one would expect given how much money the district spends on education.

Some may argue that Bridgehampton's high spending is reasonable, because running such a small school district is inefficient. But other school districts in New York have fewer students and not only spend less per pupil but also produce higher test scores.

The lack of a relationship between spending and learning is not restricted to Bridgehampton. It can be seen in the national trend towards increased spending without increased learning.

Over the last 30 years, despite a doubling of inflation-adjusted per-pupil spending and dramatically reduced teacher-student ratios, the nation's test scores have remained flat and its graduation rates have dropped slightly. But teacher unions keep on demanding more money while opposing substantial reforms. Though we're nowhere near it now, we're progressing toward the teacher-union dream of making America's education system look just like Bridgehampton.

Since the vast majority of Bridgehampton's education budget comes from local taxes, we need not be too irate with its free-spending ways. If the good people of Bridgehampton want to build a ladder to the moon, that's fine as long as they do it with their own tax money. But their example should make us question whether we can solve education's problems by throwing money at them, as the teacher unions so often claim it can and as the court has now demanded New York do.

Money can certainly pay for more teachers in order to lower class sizes, but the goal of education isn't small classes, it's increased learning. Bridgehampton shows us there is more to education than just money.

nypost.com