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To: T L Comiskey who wrote (33049)12/19/2003 10:16:54 AM
From: Rick Faurot  Respond to of 89467
 
Rights, Liberties Groups Hail Court Defeats for Bush Anti-Terror Measures

by Jim Lobe WASHINGTON -- U.S. civil liberties and human rights groups Thursday hailed the one-two punch delivered by two federal appeals courts against the Bush administration's refusal to recognize basic due-process rights of alleged U.S. and foreign detainees held as "enemy combatants" in Washington's "war on terrorism."

"Not one, but two federal courts have rebuked the President today for his belief that he should be able to lock people up without basic access to our justice and without Congressional approval," said Anthony Romero, executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). "No President should be able to assume such unilateral authority over people's freedoms, most crucially during times of threat to our national well-being," he added. New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) also hailed the two decisions--by the Second and Ninth Circuit Courts of Appeal--as an important vindication for basic liberties. "Both (decisions) attacked the Bush administration's view that a war metaphor can justify restrictions on basic criminal justice rights away from a traditional battlefield," Kenneth Roth, HRW's executive director, told the New York Times.

Justice Department officials, who said they believed the two 2-1 decisions were flawed, indicated they may seek further review. The cases could well wind up in the Supreme Court, according to legal analysts on both sides.

The first case involved an appeal by lawyers for Jose Padilla, a U.S. citizen arrested in Chicago in May 2002 as a material witness in the government's ongoing counter-terrorism investigation and subsequently designated by Bush as an "enemy combatant." Transferred to a high-security naval brig in Charleston, South Carolina, Padilla has been refused permission to communicate with his family, with a lawyer, or any non-military personnel for 18 months.

The government contends that Padilla met with members of al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan where he developed a plan with them to build and detonate a radiological "dirty bomb" in the U.S. and had returned there to carry out the plan, although he carried no arms or explosives when he was arrested at O'Hare Airport.

Padilla's lawyers claimed, among other things, that as a U.S. citizen who was arrested in this country, their client was entitled to full due-process rights guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution, and could not be denied them by the executive branch acting on its own.

The second case was based on a petition for habeas corpus by the brother of a Libyan, Salim Gherebi, captured in Afghanistan two years ago and held--along with more than 600 other so-called "enemy combatants"--at the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. His lawyer contended that, even though his client was being held outside U.S. territory, Washington was obliged to provide him with certain basic protections under U.S. law, including the right to contest his detention in a U.S. court.

In a separate case earlier this year, the Circuit Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia upheld the administration's position that "enemy combatants" held at Guantanamo Bay were not entitled to a court review of their detention, but that ruling is not binding on the Ninth Circuit, which is based in San Francisco.

Both cases thus tested the authority of the executive branch to detain individuals it deemed to be "enemy combatants" without explicit authorization from Congress or providing them recourse to the U.S. court system.

In both cases, the courts ruled against the administration's position.

In the first, the Second Circuit Court of Appeals in New York ruled that the president lacked the power to authorize the unilateral detention of a U.S. citizen. "The president, acting alone, possesses no inherent constitutional authority to detain American citizens seized within the United States, away from the zone of combat, as enemy combatants, the majority ruled.

Moreover, the two judges went on, a 1971 law designed to prevent any repetition of the notorious internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II expressly forbids federal detention of any U.S. citizen in the United States without congressional authorization. It ordered the government to release Padilla from military custody within 30 days, although it noted that Padilla could continue to be held in civil custody by, for example, charging him with a crime in civilian court or seeking his detention on some other basis.

While White House spokesman called the court's ruling "troubling and flawed" and indicated the government may seek a stay of the release order, rights groups hailed the judgment as a breakthrough.

"After the internment of Japanese-American citizens during World War II, we learned our lesson as a nation," said Deborah Pearlstein, an attorney at the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights (LCHR) in New York. "Congress passed a law saying that 'no citizen shall be imprisoned or otherwise detained by the United States except pursuant to an Act of Congress'. The court's decision today makes clear that Congress means what it said, and the President is not above the law. This decision is a victory for the Constitution."

Amnesty International USA director William Schulz said he, too, "welcomed the decision" but voiced concern that "it does not seem to have been made in recognition of basic human rights principles or constitutionally guaranteed protections. Schulz noted that, while it denied the executive branch the ability to detain individuals without access to a lawyer, "it also laid the groundwork for future detentions ...providing he has permission from Congress."

The ruling in the Gherebi case was more sweeping with the two-judge majority arguing that indefinite detention by the executive branch without charges defied basic principles of U.S. jurisprudence.

"Even in times of national emergency - indeed, particularly in such times - it is the obligation of the Judicial Branch to ensure the preservation of our constitutional values and to prevent the Executive Branch from running roughshod over the rights of citizens and aliens alike," Judge Stephen Reinhardt wrote for the majority.

"We simply cannot accept the government's position that Executive Branch possesses the unchecked authority to imprison indefinitely any persons, foreign citizens included, on territory under the sole jurisdiction and control of the United States, without permitting such prisoners recourse of any kind to any judicial forum, or even access to counsel, regardless of the length or manner of their confinement," he argued.

The Ninth Circuit's ruling ran directly counter to that of the D.C. Circuit. The Supreme Court last month agreed to hear an appeal of the D.C. Court's decision, although oral arguments before the Court are not likely to take place until late February at the earliest. Lawyers said the Supreme Court, whose ruling will be binding all federal courts, may now combine the two cases.
In another setback to the administration earlier this month, the Ninth Circuit, which is widely considered the most liberal of the federal appeals courts, declared unconstitutional significant parts of an anti-terrorist criminal statute that has been used as a key tool in a number of recent criminal prosecutions in the war on terrorism.

The administration has argued that a 1996 anti-terrorism statute, which was broadened by the 2001 USA Patriot Act, makes it a crime to provide material support to terrorist organizations without regard to whether the donor knows that the organization has been designated a terrorist group. In addition to financial contributions, "material support" was defined in the Patriot Act as including the provision of "personnel" or "training."

The Court held that the prohibitions on "personnel" and "training" were too vague and that the government's insistence that donors who were not aware of the organization's terrorist status or activities could be prosecuted under the law risked punishing "moral innocents" in violation of due process. The Justice Department has indicated it will appeal the decision.
© Copyright 2003 OneWorld.net

Published on Friday, December 19, 2003 by OneWorld.net

commondreams.org



To: T L Comiskey who wrote (33049)12/19/2003 10:28:47 AM
From: Rick Faurot  Respond to of 89467
 
Is the search for weapons over?

After eight months with no discoveries, mission chief quits;

Fewer than 40 of the 1,400 inspectors still in the field;

As attacks on US military grow, WMD hunt no longer a priority

By Rupert Cornwell, Andrew Grice and Anne Penketh
19 December 2003

After eight months of fruitless search, George Bush has in effect washed his hands of the hunt for Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, in whose name the United States and Britain went to war last March.

David Kay, the CIA adviser who headed the US-led search for WMD, is to quit, before submitting his assessment to the US President in February.

The departure of Mr Kay, a strong believer in the case for toppling Saddam Hussein because of his alleged weapons, comes as a particular embarrassment to Tony Blair. This week he maintained that Mr Kay had uncovered "massive evidence" of a network of WMD laboratories.

For Mr Bush, the missing weapons are a politically charged issue. Pressed to explain why his administration had asserted Saddam possessed weapons, when at best fragmentary evidence of programmes had been found, Mr Bush replied: "So what's the difference? "If he were to acquire weapons, he would be the danger," he said in an interview with ABC News' Diane Sawyer.

Mr Bush's public dismissal of the weapons issue is the latest move by Washington and London to changethe justification for war. Weapons of mass destruction, and even weapons programmes, are no longer being put forward as the reason for the invasion.

Senior US and British officials now dwell almost exclusively on the atrocities perpetrated by Saddam against his people, and the opportunity provided by his removal for a regeneration of the Middle East.

Opinion polls point to the strategy working. The US public has forgotten what it was being told every day only nine months ago about the "imminent threat" the former Iraqi leader posed to the US, while the capture of Saddam last Saturday had boosted the President's approval ratings to a healthy 60 per cent-plus.

Mr Kay's departure as head of the Iraq Survey Group (ISG) is said to be for family and personal reasons. He is not in Iraq at present but on holiday in Washington.

Mr Kay himself sounds increasingly doubtful that chemical or biological weapons will be found, and is said to be resentful that the US military was less than helpful to his experts, preferring to prioritise the counter-insurgency.

Publicly, Mr Kay insists, and points to his first interim report this autumn as proof, that the ISG has already unearthed evidence of ongoing weapons programmes. But he acknowledged on the BBC's Panorama programme three weeks ago he was prepared to be proved wrong that no weapons existed.

Downing Street played down reports of Mr Kay's departure as "rumour, not fact", and denied that Mr Blair had given up hope that evidence of WMD would be found. Privately, British ministers cling to the hope of finding evidence of weapons programmes rather than the actual chemical or biological weapons systems. They hope Saddam's capture will end the "climate of fear" among Iraqi scientists and enable them to be honest about his regime.

This week Mr Blair was accused by the Tories and Lib Dems of "spinning" the ISG's interim report after he said they had "found massive evidence of a huge system of clandestine laboratories, workings by scientists, plans to develop long range ballistic missiles".

The ISG, set up in June, has a nominal staff of 1,400 specialists, analysts and translators, all theoretically dedicated to the search for WMD. But the numbers in the field have been less: two teams of 20 at most. In October, the group's strength dwindled further when Donald Rumsfeld, the Defence Secretary, ordered many personnel to be transferred to the regular forces to help counter the growing rebellion.

Despite the capture and interrogation of many senior Iraqi officials, there has been no breakthrough. Saddam is said to have told investigators what Iraq told the UN before the invasion: that it no longer had banned weapons.
But the seizure of Saddam has given some American officials new hope that banned materials will be found.

Peter Kilfoyle, a former Defence minister, said Saddam's capture had not relieved the pressure on Mr Blair for weapons to be tracked down.
The former deputy chief UN weapons inspector Charles Duelfer said: "What is important is Saddam's intentions. The case can be made that he may not have had existing weapons, but his intention was to outlast the inspectors and reconstruct his weapons capabilities."

news.independent.co.uk