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Strategies & Market Trends : VOLTAIRE'S PORCH-MODERATED -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: elpolvo who wrote (60112)	12/22/2003 5:42:45 AM
From: Sully-	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 65232

As far as the PNAC document goes, it seems that those who were involved with PNAC were just about spot on with their assessment of the dangers posed by rouge nations with designs on obtaining WMD's & ties to or support of terrorism, ET AL. The following from PNAC is not what President Bush articulated as his view of Foreign Policy during his campaign & it wasn't his Foreign Policy prior to 9/11. The articles I linked previously clearly support this. 9/11 only showed that the folks who were part of PNAC were able to see what others simply refused to see for whatever their reasons. Evil exists & unless it is challenged forcibly, it will only grow bolder & more dangerous. President Bush faced that stark reality on 9/11. That's when his foreign policy changed to what we see now. I'm glad he made the change. From PNAC's own site, their "Statement of Principles"..... ..... June 3, 1997 - American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have criticized the incoherent policies of the Clinton Administration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But conservatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the world. They have not set forth guiding principles for American foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to obscure potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security and advance American interests in the new century...... ..... We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' global responsibilities. <font size=4> Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its power. But we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership. Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are four consequences: • we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future; • we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values; • we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad; • we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles. Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness in the next. <font size=3> newamericancentury.org