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To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (33641)12/26/2003 12:04:03 AM
From: Rick McDougall  Respond to of 89467
 
Check out the Canadian O&G trusts. $C accelerating with respect to $US. They pay 10-17% dividends & have seen a fair amount of capital appreciation this past year. Don't know if it will continue. You still got a thorn in your paw:o)



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (33641)12/28/2003 8:21:06 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
The Saudi Paradox
______________

From Foreign Affairs, January/February 2004

foreignaffairs.org



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (33641)12/28/2003 8:24:38 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Dollar Steady But Still Seen Precarious

biz.yahoo.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (33641)12/29/2003 6:21:31 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Inflation: The Grand Illusion
________________________

By Sean Corrigan

[Posted December 29, 2003]

Inflation tends not only to pressure, but to increase, the maldistribution of labour between industries, which must produce unemployment as soon as the inflation ceases. F.A. Hayek, Open or Repressed Inflation, 1969.

The failings of the Macromancers who dominate contemporary economic reasoning can be encapsulated as follows: if you can't leave the house because the trousers Granny has bought for you are too long for your legs, you can solve the lack of fit by trying them on while standing on a chair.

To explain what we mean by this, let us start by conceding that both Keynesians and Friedmanites—as well as the majority of their derivative sub-cults—realize that if there is a seeming surplus of labor, it is because it must be priced too high in relation to the value to which it will give rise.

Being politically cynical enough to presume that reducing labor rates in money terms is more problematic than making the money in which they are paid worth less, the recipe for any business setback is thus the application of a little judicious inflation. This doctrine is now so well ingrained that the Norges Bank of Norway recently stated proudly that its policy aim was "higher inflation" because the prevailing rate was "too low."

This simplistic, aggregative approach overlooks at least one critical fact: a general rise in prices carries no guarantee that a struggling firm—which, presumably, is struggling only because it has misjudged the relationship prevailing between resource costs and consumer preferences—will right itself, any more than the act of flooding a lock can be reckoned to right the capsized dinghy floundering inside it.

Aside from that particular inefficacy of the inflationary cure, we also have to contend with the other difficulties to which inflation gives rise—among them the invalidation of already faulty entrepreneurial calculation, the disruption of many entrained production processes, and the implicit frustration of contracts between lenders and borrowers, and savers and investors.

Of even more immediate concern is this: While we know a new inflation will build its usual distortions under the veneer of a temporary prosperity (mostly localized among those favored to receive the first use of the new means of payment), we remember also Hayek's point that those dependent on the artificial stimulus of inflation for their continuance will become so addicted to it that they will sicken and die if that inflation slows or is redirected.

To date in this so-called "jobless recovery," US-driven inflation has, in fact, succeeded in leading to more labor being hired. However, to the collectivists' dismay, the new labor is largely in China, where the labor distribution is better adapted to US spenders' needs and where total relative labor costs are substantially lower than they are in the US.

In this, US consumers—sustaining their lifestyles not from sufficient production of exchange value, but by using borrowed money they have not earned—have been exhausting the fruits of others' labor via the consumption of present capital and the alienation of future income. Neither of these trends can be maintained indefinitely in real terms, though they can be monetarily disguised for long enough that the damage can become severe before it is fully recognized.

When their Chinese suppliers were saving a goodly proportion of these proceeds and buying US securities with them, the secondary beneficiaries of the inflation, thanks to this act of misguided largesse, worked in the US housing market and in what Robert Higgs calls the Military-Industrial-Congressional Complex. Thus, America's homebuilders, realtors, mortgage lenders, government contractors, and its legions' sutlers and armourers all did well at home.

Further, the inflation made service providers such as banks and insurance carriers, with their less open markets, all the more lucrative, while poor old manufacturers were made simultaneously to bear increased costs at home and heightened competition from abroad.

Manufacturing real wages—which should be gauged against the industry's specific value output rather than against an arbitrary overall price index—therefore had to fall, in toto, if not for each individual worker who managed to retain his job. This was not least because nonwage costs were also being driven rapidly higher by a combination of ongoing inflation, extra regulation, legal jeopardy, and the removal of the former (inflationary) subsidy that found its expression in artificially low, float-hungry insurance premiums and the seemingly miraculous self-funding pensions enjoyed during the millennial stock bubble.

Now, however, there has been a subtle shift. China, at least, is saving much less and spending much more of the money. Hence, commodity prices are up while the dollar is down sharply.

Those businesses serving Asia's new retail clientele and its emergent yuppies—as well, some allege, as those serving China's own MICC hierarchy and its members' desire for strategic stockpiles—are now the redirected inflation's main beneficiaries, rather than the importunate US householder.

For China's booming industrial concerns—and, by extension, for their Asian suppliers and investors—a triple threat may emerge from this transformation:

* a policy of deliberate central bank restrictionism, instituted in addition to the likely slower acquisition of those dollar foreign exchange reserves that have so boosted domestic money supply this far;
* the burden of higher import costs due to the renminbi's link to the sagging dollar (though a partial subsidy is being granted by the currency interventions of such players as the Bank of Japan);
* greater competition for labor and capital resources from domestic consumer industries whose customers' requirements may, furthermore, be widely misaligned with the tastes of their international counterparts who have been so well served until now.

The corollary to all this is that, as the dollar falls, there will be an initial boost to some—though not all—US industries. The greenback's decline should be particularly beneficial to those firms that are relatively sparing of energy use and that do not include a high degree of import content (whether raw materials or components) into their own final products.

Whichever industries best represent the various categories, certainly there would now be scope for the creation of a marginal extra incentive for employing capital and/or labor in the US, as opposed to sending it all to the coastal entrepots of the South China Sea.

So, with the effects of US inflation having the potential no longer to be so disguised and indirect as when it formerly underwent an interim Asian transformation, housing and finance may both suffer—at least, in the absence of a more concerted effort on the part of the Fed to take up the slack (not to be ruled out, of course!). Conversely, makers and sellers of manufactured goods might find the cost-price balance tilted a little less heavily against them from here onward. Indeed, manufacturing has shown tentative signs of stabilization of late; sales, hours, and head count have begun a slow ascent, and even inventory registered an uptick last month.

What would be notable, as a corroboration of this development, would be to see an increase in short-term borrowing to fund greater working capital needs. Even more heartening would be evidence of a continuation of the 8-9% year on year gain in aggregate operating profits reported by Commerce last quarter, especially were these to be accompanied by more than the anemic 3.5% sales increase also registered, since such a paucity of sales growth speaks more of a successful adjustment to straitened circumstances than of the onset of a genuine expansion.

Still, if we know what to look for in manufacturing, if present trends continue, what then of the wider economy?

Here we need to step back a little first.

In the classical model of a cyclical recession, there is little extension of consumer credit, but the inflation of the prior boom works, through producer-directed funding instead, to induce a top-heavy and ultimately unsupportable productive structure. The increased worker incomes earned here, as a result of this false investment, soon begin to be used to bid for consumer goods—goods whose supply no one has had the foresight to increase and thus whose prices inevitably rise.

Such higher prices for end goods then induce those who can to shift to the business of making them, leaving the hypertrophic higher-order goods firms stranded between the rock of underestimated costs and timings and the hard place of overestimated resource availability and end demand for their products.

Incomes now fall as profits and payrolls in these firms dwindle again. Prices and wages adjust to the new mix. It should be recognized, though, that if some firms are forced into liquidation as a result, others find they can still make a handsome return satisfying the needs of their customers. The wily investor will remember that the manifestation of mass entrepreneurial error that constitutes a bust cycle does not preclude occasional individual entrepreneurial success.

Any emergence of an excess of consumer goods will hence signal both the means and the opportunity to defer immediate production of yet more of these goods in favor of employing the monetary savings made possible by the fall in their prices to make new, more rational investments. At the same time, these surplus goods' existence conveniently provides the means necessary for the entrepreneurial object of this investment to feed and clothe his newly-hired workers until the workers' own output matures, in turn, as a batch of future consumption items.

Instead of this archetypal scenario—and ignoring all harmful impediments cast in the way of this healing process by the ever interfering State—we currently have the bizarre modern phenomenon of the further discoordination caused by the wild orgy of debt-financed consumption, which has been officially promoted to keep aggregate spending and arbitrary price levels unconscionably high throughout the recession. This is analogous to expecting that wrapping a corpse in an electric blanket to delay rigor mortis will also bring about a resurrection.

For now, instead of higher prices making a recalcitrant labor force cheap enough to re-employ, a la Keynes, these prices will instead decrease the incomes out of which people already are struggling to service and pay down their towering debts. Additionally, this bind will be made all the more constraining if nominal interest rates—at least those set by the market, rather than the ones suppressed by the Fed—also rise in response to the signs of renewed activity and higher prices.

Thus, the Fed may well find itself faced with the dilemma that it must yield to the relapse at last, or else it must fully monetize every price increase in order to ensure that either incomes themselves, or the sum of income-plus-new-credit, keep pace with the heightened drain on family budgets. In the instance of monetizing every price increase, real wages would be prevented from falling and so would usher in a period of stagflation—i.e., of joblessness amid rising prices and of fewer lucky businesses thriving in the hotspots and more languishing in the relative chill of their continued sub-marginal efficiency as enterprises.

If this occurs, the possible shifts we have listed mean that the hosepipe of inflation might play more fully on different pastures than before. Among those water-softened plants that require an ever more plentiful supply of fluid and that will therefore wilt if the abundance is merely lessened, there could well be some of today's winners. Examples might be those involved in real estate, the importers of consumer discretionary items, and even today's near-zombies such as the credit junkies in the auto business.

More profoundly, the ongoing erosion of middle class wealth and middle class values that inflation tends to hasten will mean that in economics, as in politics, the decaying Empire will polarize further into two classes. The first will be of inwardly competing but outwardly self-preserving oligarchs. The second will be of a proletariat baying in the Cities for its dole, or toiling in peonism amid the latifundia estates of the nation's Corporatist Dons and Dictators. Worryingly, given the tenor of recent earnings results, this is exactly the sort of environment where a Wal-Mart might flourish alongside a Saks, but where the market for the middle ground becomes a charnel house for capital.

It is also a society in which the Opera might thrive (albeit on its patrons' largesse and on their command of the public purse) and where the modern day charioteers of Nascar might also draw ratings, but where the more modest aesthetic and edifying pursuits which comprise the cultural heart of a free nation are carved out and cast aside.

If the Fed thus leans again on consumer borrowing to plug any gaps in the nation's cashflow, for all the general harm it may occasion, the banks will be pleased enough, as they are the only important creditors with both a scanty capital-asset ratio and greatly more monetary than real forms of entry piled on each side of the balance sheet.

These, the Fed's precious cartel members, are therefore characteristically sanguine about seeing the actual worth of their assets erode, as long as their liabilities are likewise degraded. The banks are thereby largely indifferent to whether the achievement of accounting success in conducting their business translates into real, rather than simply numerical, gains.

In preventing consumers themselves from defaulting (and the vast pools of "securitized assets', which such loans ultimately underpin, from going sour), bankers will benefit from inflation's help in supporting their hapless customers in a state which heaps technical insolvency upon reckless profligacy, one in which they are borrowing more in order to support the service of old debts alongside the making of new, wholly unproductive outlays.

If the Fed is to seek a stay of execution for the crimes of its past on these latter grounds, it would be greatly assisted if it could spark off another mass asset-credit spiral such as we have had in financial securities and residential real estate in recent times.

Though we should not rule it out, reliance on consumer credit/debt presently looks prone to something of an exhaustion, which means the equity-bubble strategy must take its place once more. Unfortunately, the propagation of another leg to the equity bubble, however rapid the money pumping, will still require that earnings show at least the occasional desultory promise of improvement.

But if real wages are being prevented from adjusting downwards, higher profits—however synthetically inflated by a falling currency and windfall numerical gains in successive rounds of production—will not co-exist with increased levels of employment. Thus, we would be back to the sorry old game of increased indebtedness and ongoing capital consumption as a means to the maintenance of the economics of illusion which so haunt us Moderns.

Sadly, with the secret of the magic having been revealed to the foreign dupes who have long been avid buyers of so many tickets to the show, the Grand Illusionist himself is no longer regarded as an initiate of Hermes Trismegistus, a guardian of the eternal mysteries, but rather as a mere fairground conjurer. So, not only is his prestidigitation less able to hold his audience's attention and to prevent its members from wandering off to sample some of the other acts and exhibits at the carnival, but such a house as he can still command will be drawn only by conceding a drastically lowered price of admission.

Less metaphorically, a renewed resort by Western central banks to their same old shell game may well prove less and less successful at distracting attention from the hole at the heart of the Western (above all the US) economies. The descent of both the internal and external value of the dollar might begin to accelerate, threatening more upheaval and potentially triggering inherently unpredictable cascades of loss in the murky and highly nonlinear world of international financial speculation.

Above, we have pencilled in some general investment conclusions arising from such a scenario, but for an exposition of the much more profound consequences we might expect, let's turn once more to Hayek, writing in The Constitution of Liberty in 1960.

We have not had space to touch upon the various ways in which the efforts of individuals to protect themselves against inflation . . . not only tend to make the process worse, but also increase the rate of inflation necessary to maintain its stimulating effect.

Let us simply note, then, that inflation makes it more and more impossible for people of moderate means to provide for their old age themselves; that it discourages saving and encourages running into debt; and that, by destroying the middle class, it creates that dangerous gap between the propertyless and the wealthy . . . which is the source of so much tension in these societies.

The increased dependence of the individual upon government which inflation produces and the demand for more government action to which this leads may, for the socialist, be an argument in its favour. Those who wish to preserve freedom should recognise, however, that inflation is probably the most important single factor in that vicious circle wherein one kind of government action makes more and more government control necessary.

There is perhaps nothing more disheartening than the fact that there are still so many intelligent and informed people who, in most other respects, will defend freedom and yet are induced by the immediate benefits of an expansionist policy to support what, in the long run, must destroy the foundations of a free society.

mises.org

__________________________

Sean Corrigan is a principal of www.capital-insight.com, a London-based economic consultancy. He is also comanager of the Bermuda-based Edelweiss Fund. See his Mises.org Articles Archive, or send him MAIL. See also the Study Guide on Business Cycles.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (33641)12/29/2003 11:40:34 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Army Stops Many Soldiers From Quitting
_____________________________

Orders Extend Enlistments to Curtail Troop Shortages

By Lee Hockstader
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, December 29, 2003; Page A01
washingtonpost.com

Chief Warrant Officer Ronald Eagle, an expert on enemy targeting, served 20 years in the military -- 10 years of active duty in the Air Force, another 10 in the West Virginia National Guard. Then he decided enough was enough. He owned a promising new aircraft-maintenance business, and it needed his attention. His retirement date was set for last February.

Staff Sgt. Justin Fontaine, a generator mechanic, enrolled in the Massachusetts National Guard out of high school and served nearly nine years. In preparation for his exit date last March, he turned in his field gear -- his rucksack and web belt, his uniforms and canteen.

Staff Sgt. Peter G. Costas, an interrogator in an intelligence unit, joined the Army Reserve in 1991, extended his enlistment in 1999 and then re-upped for three years in 2000. Costas, a U.S. Border Patrol officer in Texas, was due to retire from the reserves in last May.

According to their contracts, expectations and desires, all three soldiers should have been civilians by now. But Fontaine and Costas are currently serving in Iraq, and Eagle has just been deployed. On their Army paychecks, the expiration date of their military service is now listed sometime after 2030 -- the payroll computer's way of saying, "Who knows?"

The three are among thousands of soldiers forbidden to leave military service under the Army's "stop-loss" orders, intended to stanch the seepage of troops, through retirement and discharge, from a military stretched thin by its burgeoning overseas missions.

"It reflects the fact that the military is too small, which nobody wants to admit," said Charles Moskos of Northwestern University, a leading military sociologist.

To the Pentagon, stop-loss orders are a finger in the dike -- a tool to halt the hemorrhage of personnel, and maximize cohesion and experience, for units in the field in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere. Through a series of stop-loss orders, the Army alone has blocked the possible retirements and departures of more than 40,000 soldiers, about 16,000 of them National Guard and reserve members who were eligible to leave the service this year. Hundreds more in the Air Force, Navy and Marines were briefly blocked from retiring or departing the military at some point this year.

By prohibiting soldiers and officers from leaving the service at retirement or the expiration of their contracts, military leaders have breached the Army's manpower limit of 480,000 troops, a ceiling set by Congress. In testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee last month, Gen. Peter Schoomaker, the Army chief of staff, disclosed that the number of active-duty soldiers has crept over the congressionally authorized maximum by 20,000 and now registered 500,000 as a result of stop-loss orders. Several lawmakers questioned the legality of exceeding the limit by so much.

"Our goal is, we want to have units that are stabilized all the way down from the lowest squad up through the headquarters elements," said Brig. Gen. Howard B. Bromberg, director of enlisted personnel management in the Army's Human Resources Command. "Stop-loss allows us to do that. When a unit deploys, it deploys, trains and does its missions with the same soldiers."

In a recent profile of an Army infantry battalion deployed in Kuwait and on its way to Iraq, the commander, Lt. Col. Karl Reed, told the Army Times he could have lost a quarter of his unit in the coming year had it not been for the stop-loss order. "And that means a new 25 percent," Reed told the Army Times. "I would have had to train them and prepare them to go on the line. Given where we are, it will be a 24-hour combat operation; therefore it's very difficult to bring new folks in and integrate them."

To many of the soldiers whose retirements and departures are on ice, however, stop-loss is an inconvenience, a hardship and, in some cases, a personal disaster. Some are resigned to fulfilling what they consider their patriotic duty. Others are livid, insisting they have fallen victim to a policy that amounts to an unannounced, unheralded draft.

"I'm furious. I'm aggravated. I feel violated. I feel used," said Eagle, 42, the targeting officer, who has just shipped to Iraq with his field artillery unit for what is likely to be a yearlong tour of duty. He had voluntarily postponed his retirement at his commander's request early this year and then suddenly found himself stuck in the service under a stop-loss order this fall. Eagle said he fears his fledgling business in West Virginia may not survive his lengthy absence. His unexpected extension in the Army will slash his annual income by about $45,000, he said. And some members of his family, including his recently widowed sister, whose three teenage sons are close to Eagle, are bitterly opposed to his leaving.

"An enlistment contract has two parties, yet only the government is allowed to violate the contract; I am not," said Costas, 42, who signed an e-mail from Iraq this month "Chained in Iraq," an allusion to the fact that he and his fellow reservists remained in Baghdad after the active-duty unit into which they were transferred last spring went home. He has now been told that he will be home late next June, more than a year after his contractual departure date. "Unfair. I would not say it's a draft per se, but it's clearly a breach of contract. I will not reenlist."

Other soldiers retained by the Army under stop-loss are more resigned than irate, but no less demoralized by what some have come to regard as their involuntary servitude.

"Unfortunately, I signed the dotted line saying I'm going to serve my country," said Fontaine, 27, the mechanic, who said he spent "20 or 30 days" fruitlessly researching legal ways that he could quit the Army when his contractual departure date came up in February. "All I can do is suck it up and take it till I can get out."

The military's interest in halting the depletion of its ranks predates the current conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. American GIs in World War II were under orders to serve until the fighting was finished, plus six months.

Congress approved the authority for what became known as stop-loss orders after the Vietnam War, responding to concerns that the military had been hamstrung by the out-rotations of seasoned combat soldiers in Indochina. But the authority was not used until the buildup to the Persian Gulf War in 1990 when Richard B. Cheney, then the secretary of defense, allowed the military services to bar most retirements and prolong enlistments indefinitely.

A flurry of stop-loss orders was issued after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, intensifying as the nation prepared for war in Iraq early this year. Some of the orders have applied to soldiers, sailors and airmen in specific skill categories -- military police, for example, and ordnance control specialists, have been in particular demand in Iraq.

Other edicts have been more sweeping, such as the Army's most recent stop-loss order, issued Nov. 13, covering thousands of active-duty soldiers whose units are scheduled for duty in Iraq and Afghanistan in the coming months. Because the stop-loss order begins 90 days before deployment and lasts for 90 days after a return home, those troops will be prohibited from retiring or leaving the Army at the expiration of their contracts until the spring of 2005, at the earliest.

The proliferation of stop-loss orders has bred confusion and resentment even as it has helped preserve what the military calls "unit cohesion." In the past two years, the Army alone has announced 11 stop-loss orders -- an average of one every nine or 10 weeks.

Often in the past year, the Army has allowed active-duty soldiers to retire and depart but not Guard and reserve troops, many of whom have chafed at the disparity in policies. Some Guard troops and reservists complain their release dates have been extended several times and they no longer know when they will be allowed to leave.

"We don't ever trust anything we're told," said Chris Walsh of Southington, Conn., whose wife, Jessica, an eighth-grade English teacher, is a military police officer in a National Guard unit in Baghdad. She may end up serving nearly two years beyond her original exit date of July 2002, Chris Walsh said. "We've been disappointed too many times."

For many soldiers who had planned on leaving the military, the sudden change of plans has been jarring.

Jim Montgomery's story is typical. Montgomery, an air-conditioning repairman in western Massachusetts, did a three-year hitch in the Army in the '90s and then signed up for a five-year stint in the National Guard. His exit date was July 31, 2003, after which he planned to devote himself to getting his electrician's license -- and to the baby he and his wife, Donna, expected in November, their first.

"I felt like I'd honored my contract," said Montgomery, 35, a beefy, affable man who holds the rank of specialist E4 in the Guard. "The military had given me some good things -- friendships and the opportunity to take some college courses -- and that's where I wanted to leave it."

The Army had other plans. In March, Montgomery's maintenance unit was sent for training to Fort Drum, N.Y. In April it deployed to Kuwait, and since May it has been stationed in southern Iraq. With each move, it became clearer to Montgomery that his July exit date from the Guard would not materialize. The latest he has heard is that the unit may be coming home in April, but even that is uncertain, he said.

Last month Montgomery rushed home on a medical emergency when Donna had complications in childbirth. She and the baby are fine now, but Montgomery is frustrated by his cloudy future.

"Some guys who are Vietnam vets are with us," he said in an interview at his home in Holland, Mass., shortly before he was to return to his unit in Iraq. "They said even in Vietnam, as difficult as it was there, you knew from the time you hit the ground to the time you returned it was one year -- whereas with this it's really up in the air."

Some military officials have acknowledged that stop-loss is a necessary evil. When the Air Force announced it was imposing a stop-loss rule last spring, an official news bulletin from Air Force Print News noted: "Both the secretary [James G. Roche] and the chief of staff [Gen. John P. Jumper] are acutely aware that the Air Force is an all-volunteer force and that this action, while essential to meeting the service's worldwide obligations, is inconsistent with the fundamental principles of voluntary service."

More frequently, the military response to griping about stop-loss is bluntly unsympathetic. "We're all soldiers. We go where were told," said Maj. Steve Stover, an Army spokesman. "Fair has nothing to do with it."
___________________

Staff writer Bradley Graham contributed to this report.

© 2003 The Washington Post Company



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (33641)12/31/2003 12:38:40 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
China: The New Fulcrum Of The Global Economy?
________________________________

International Perspective
by Marshall Auerback
December 30, 2003
prudentbear.com

For a country that was once deemed a “strategic competitor”, and the subject of a multiplicity of threatened trade sanctions over the past few years, the striking change in tone that characterised the recent meeting between President George Bush and Chinese Prime Minister Jiabao Wen implicitly suggests a belated American recognition of China’s increased leverage as America’s new paymaster.

Clearly, this marks a watershed change: The recent history of US/China relations under the later years of the Clinton administration and then under Bush has hitherto been marked by increased enmity: the demonisation of China in the Cox committee report on spying published some 3 years ago, the accidental bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, the harassment of Taiwanese-born scientist Wen Ho Lee on the grounds of espionage (the charges were later thrown out in court), and the leaking in the New York Times of a Department of Defence document recommending the sale of the sophisticated Aegis-class destroyers to Taiwan just prior to the April 2001 US-China spy plane incident (in direct contravention of an accord the Reagan administration signed in the 1980s with China, committing the US gradually to reduce the quantity and not improve the quality of arms sold to Taiwan). Furthermore, during the last 4 years the United States has also signed agreements with Japan enlarging the latter’s military commitments, undercutting its pacifist constitution (much to the disquiet of the Chinese government, which still has vivid recollections of the Japanese occupation), and securing Tokyo’s agreement to remain a privileged base for American military operations (the EC-3 spy plane, which was the flashpoint of the spy plane dispute, flew from a Japanese base). There has also been a persistent reluctance, until last month, for the Bush administration to affirm publicly the country’s longstanding “one China” policy, the ambiguity leading many in the Chinese government to suspect covert US support for Taiwanese independence.

Concurrent with these diplomatic developments has been a significant ratcheting up of trade tensions between the U.S. and China and signs that this trend would gain greater momentum in the run-up to the Presidential election cycle. The Democrats in the U.S. Congress have already put forward proposals for trade sanctions aimed at China, which in a political year would play well with voters in several key electoral states.

Against this backdrop, we have also been increasingly watchful of the political situation developing between China and Taiwan. President Chen of Taiwan is running for re-election in April, 2004 and he is campaigning, in part, on and around the issue of a declaration of independence for Taiwan — to which the Chinese government remains vehemently opposed. As Larry Jeddeloh argued in a recent Institutional Strategist piece:

“For demographic as well as other reasons, a referendum on independence would be highly popular, an almost certain winner with the Taiwanese people. Currently, President Chen has been dancing around the issue, on one day calling Chinese missiles pointed at Taiwan an act of terrorism, while softening his rhetoric the following day.

We are told the Chinese leadership is very concerned President Chen will introduce a referendum on independence and for years the threat of U.S. intervention, should China attack Taiwan over this issue, looms large in the thinking of the Chinese leaders.

We believe China has the technology to attack Taiwan, probably with success, due to a far greater level of technology expertise (missiles) than may be expected. For proof of China’s advance in this area, we need only look at their recently successful launch and retrieval of their first astronaut. Was he really recovered within meters of his target loading zone?”

All the ingredients, therefore, appeared to be in place for further deterioration during last month’s summit in Washington. And, yet, the reverse appears to have occurred. President Bush reiterated his country’s longstanding support for a “one China” policy (despite the support of some elements of his administration for a more pro-Taiwan independence posture), and warned President Chen against an independence referendum. There is also speculation that the Taiwanese President was effectively told to “behave or you’re on your own”.

Such a surprising posture comes shortly after Bush iterated his desire for “a forward strategy of freedom in the Middle East” as the governing basis for his country’s foreign policy in that region. The irony of this “democracy advocate” sternly warning the Taiwanese against the exercise of the latter’s own democratic franchise has been duly noted by many, but most have failed to consider the President’s limited room for manoeuvre. As Robert Samuelson of the Washington Post noted last week, “A great drama is now unfolding in the world's money markets. In 2003 the United States' current account deficit (a broad measure of trade) will total about $550 billion, a modern record. Because Americans pay for imports with dollars, this means that every day, foreigners must decide whether to keep about $1.5 billion in dollars.” If America’s largest foreign creditors, such as China, sell dollars for euros, yen or other currencies, the dollar's external value will drop cataclysmically -- with huge and possibly disruptive consequences for the US.

It may be the case that the Bush administration just has too much on its plate right now, and cannot afford to pick a fight with China. And the Chinese might opportunistically feel that if Taiwan was to be “returned to the motherland”, now was the optimum time to do it.

On the other hand, the recent rapprochement with China might also reflect Washington’s belated recognition of the extent to which it depends on the “kindness of strangers”, particularly those of the Asian variety (which collectively represent the largest foreign claim on US assets). Ironically, this realisation comes just at a time when China’s own acute vulnerabilities are becoming more apparent. China has been booming and it has undeniably become a key component in this year’s global reflation story. But China’s growth has been driven by capital spending. Its investment ratio at 43% of GDP is at an historical high. One must ask, is overinvesting in China now expanding the global output gap, with implications for the trend in inflation in the US?

In this regard, it is worthwhile quoting from a recent paper presented by the Hon Apurv Bagri:

“Arising from this growth in China are two issues, which haunt global manufacturers, and one that will test the inventive ability of the country’s central bank.

The first of the two issues is a consequence of the Chinese business model. This is built around the notion of creating a large critical mass of capacity and then finding the market to fill it. Once one company finds a new growth sector all others want to chase after it. As a result, in virtually all sectors, capacity exceeds demand by a factor of two, or three, and even more in some cases.

In consequence, product and conversion prices have collapsed across the board with very few exceptions. Take just two examples that are typical of what has been happening. The price of a conventional room air conditioner has fallen from nearly $700 in 1990 to $300 in 2000 and just $120 this year. In my own industry, conversion prices for ACR copper tube have collapsed, also, from US$2400 in 2000 to around $900 this year with the industry expecting further declines next year. This is a fall of 38% in just two years and my industry friends fear that it could continue.

Many, who have close ties to local banks and governments, get interest free loans for extended periods, often 20-30 years; in reality free cost of capital. They buy the land, build their factory, install the equipment, inflate asset values and repeat the process. The problem is that as so many of them in the same sector are following the same or similar business model, product and conversion prices are forced lower to the point that in many, many cases prices no longer cover operating costs. Thus, the profits, which are being reported, are more often than not illusory. Even if they go into bankruptcy, not an easy outcome in China, the machinery will still exist for another company to acquire for a few cents on the dollar.”

-“The Dragon & the Elephant Growth Prospects for China & India Challenges & Opportunities”,-The Hon Apurv Bagri, at the Third City of London Biennial Meeting, November 2003

For all of the talk about China’s “unfair trade practices” stemming from its decision to peg the renminbi against the dollar, credit subsidies of the sort described by Bagri would constitute a far more powerful prima facie case against the country in the event that the US appealed to the WTO. Unfortunately, the Bush administration has not taken this route. Treasury Secretary Snow has spent virtually all of 2003 harping on the need for currency revaluation. There are now indications that the Chinese might finally move in this direction, if a recent report from the Taipei Times newspaper is to be believed:

China's central bank is quietly moving ahead with a plan to peg the yuan to a basket of 10 currencies, instead of the US dollar alone, the state press reported Monday.

The prospective 10 currencies would represent the bulk of China's trade with the rest of the world as well as its main sources of investment, the China Business Post reported, citing sources with the People's Bank of China.

At a later phase China could eventually allow a "managed float" that would permit the currency to move within a set range.

The report gave no timetable for implementation of either phase and stressed that the potential policy change was still being studied.

It comes as a group of US government experts prepares to visit Beijing next month to discuss possible changes to the existing foreign exchange rate structure.

China has effectively pegged the yuan at about 8.3 yuan to US$1 since 1994 but it has come under increasing pressure, particularly from the US, to revalue.

China has publicly maintained that the problem is structural, reflecting its much lower labor costs, but has signalled a certain willingness to investigate a more flexible currency structure.

China has been studying a peg of the yuan to a basket of currencies since the beginning of the year in order to allow the exchange rate to appropriately reflect the country's trade performance and avoid short-term foreign exchange rate fluctuations, the China Business Post said.

According to local statistics, China's major trade partners in 2002 were the US, Japan, Hong Kong, and the Euro zone countries, followed by Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, South Korea and Taiwan.

There is also talk of China seeking to reduce its bilateral trade surplus with the US through increased purchases of U.S. grains, corn, beans, and wheat and substituting purchases from Southeast Asia. It is also far from coincidental that Boeing, America’s number one export company, announced the go-ahead for its 30 year multi-billion dollar 7E7 program, just days after Jiabao Wen’s visit to Washington last month. It is highly unlikely that Boeing would have proceeded with the program unless they were highly confident that orders for commercial aircraft were about to strengthen.

Unfortunately for the Bush administration, such accelerated import purchases are ultimately predicated on a continuing boom in China. But as Morgan Stanley’s Andy Xie has recently illustrated, China’s monetary authorities might be moving aggressively toward increased credit restriction, which might hamper China’s proclivity to accelerate American imports. Here are the latest renminbi banking statistics collated by Xie:

(see URL)

If Chinese growth slows, unemployment and unused capacity will rise and its ability to absorb further American imports will be correspondingly reduced.

For all of the talk of America’s massive credit expansion being the unhealthy source of much global growth, China’s increasingly “bubble-lised” economy is beginning to play a comparably important, albeit increasingly unstable, role. Indeed, it is not too far to say that we are in the midst of a major transition in which China becomes the fulcrum on which future global growth will pivot. It is almost always the case that such momentous geopolitical/economic shifts are accompanied by a huge degree of disruption, and the gradual rise of China as global economic locus might be no different. Consequently, anything that undermines its growth could have a comparably destabilising impact on the global economy, as would the end of the Greenspan-induced credit bubble in America.

It may be, in fact, the case that China’s monetary authorities are fully aware of the country’s underlying fragility and that the mooted notion of re-pegging the renminbi against a basket of currencies would provide scope, not for gradual revaluation, but devaluation. The virtue of a direct currency peg is its underlying transparency, something which is clearly lost in the event that a link is established against a basket of currencies, the composition of which is as yet indeterminate and easily manipulated. It makes little sense to move to such a basket if the real objective is the expedient of gradual revaluation of the renminbi in a highly transparent way that would curry more favour with Washington.

But if the attempt is to achieve covert devaluation in response to weakening domestic conditions, then such a move makes much more political and economic sense. If this is indeed the road China is choosing to go down, it will certainly reduce its ability to continue purchasing US assets at the rate at which it has been doing over the past few years, which has perilous implications for the dollar exchange rate. Indeed, one would envisage similarly smaller inducements to purchase US assets on the part of all of Asia, since most would almost certainly respond to a Chinese devaluation (covert or overt) by a comparable competitive currency devaluation – a great backdrop for gold perhaps, but certainly not in the interests of global economic stability.

Today, China uses the peg to recycle massive dollars back into Treasuries to the US, which enables it to continually expand its capital expenditure to overproduce goods that the world doesn't need and which the Americans can only buy on credit. It has become an increasingly important, albeit fundamentally unhealthy, dynamic in terms of engendering the current blow off witnessed in many areas, notably commodities. If the Chinese do embrace a gradual de-linkage against the dollar, then there will be a risk of at least a short-term downdraft in growth in East Asia, even as Japan and Europe will be struggling to a greater degree. Were a financial accident in the US to arrive at the same moment -- always a possibility -- then one could easily envisage a synchronised global growth stall. This is not what the doctor ordered in a world already characterised by massive manufacturing overcapacity and virtually no pricing leverage, but it may be (given China’s underlying financial fragility) the means by which the Chinese seek to devalue their way out of disaster. How China copes with its ongoing financial problems, and the corresponding global policy response, are likely to be major themes emerging in 2004.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (33641)12/31/2003 6:00:13 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
China may reconsider yuan peg, analysts say

________________________________

Yumi Kuramitsu
Bloomberg News
Monday, December 29, 2003
Copyright © 2003 The International Herald Tribune www.iht.com

China, which this year has resisted international pressure to revalue its currency, may agree to bury the yuan's decade-old peg to the dollar in 2004 as it looks for ways to cool economic growth and ward off inflation, investors and analysts say.

In recent months, China has been buying the U.S. currency in international markets in order to maintain a fixed exchange rate of around 8.28 yuan per dollar, which was set in 1994. The effort, which puts more money into circulation in China, threatens to exacerbate inflation, which the government has said accelerated to a rate 3 percent in November, the fastest in six and a half years.

"China needs exchange rate flexibility," says Fred Hu, chief China strategist at Goldman Sachs Group in Hong Kong. "The economy is booming, inflation is heating up and money and credit growth is so fast. That implies China would be better off to do this sooner rather than later."

China's economy, the world's sixth largest, will expand by 8 percent in 2004, from an estimated 8.6 percent this year, the fastest among the world's top 10 economies, according to a Bloomberg News survey. Such red-hot growth recently prompted the U.S. Federal Reserve chairman, Alan Greenspan, to warn that Beijing's efforts to maintain the dollar peg risked "overheating" China's economy.

Seven of 11 currency analysts surveyed recently by Bloomberg News said that they expected China to revalue the yuan by the end of 2004, most likely through a widening of the range in which the currency is allowed to fluctuate against the dollar. Two of those polled predicted that China would adopt a peg against a basket of currencies, including the dollar, and two forecast no change.

Chinese officials have said that a stronger yuan would make exports too expensive, derailing economic growth needed to create jobs as it slims state-owned companies.

Zhou Xiaochuan, governor of the People's Bank of China, said in September that the central bank was willing to discuss the idea of linking the yuan to a basket of currencies - an idea proposed by the International Monetary Fund in 2002. But analysts noted that such a regime would probably not result in an immediate change to the yuan's value.

"Any basket would be a very close image of the current single-currency peg," says Robert Rennie, chief currency strategist at Westpac Banking in Sydney. The value of the yuan would still be "very closely managed," he says.

Ma Kai, chairman of the State Development and Reform Commission, China's top economic planner, warned this month that any immediate change to the yuan-dollar peg would be destabilizing to China's economy. "If China did revalue the yuan, it would only introduce disruption to China and cause instability globally," Ma said.

Bloomberg News



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (33641)1/2/2004 5:46:28 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
Gold nearing its breakout zone

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