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To: MSI who wrote (21855)12/28/2003 12:47:01 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793684
 
We are getting the end of the year "think pieces."

December 28, 2003
THE YEARS AHEAD
A History of Strange Bounces, a Future of the Unexpected
By JOHN SCHWARTZ New York Times

CONSIDER the acorn: a small thing. Produced by the millions by uncaring oaks, most rot on the ground. But under the right conditions, dirt and light and water conspire to make the most of the little seed, and it becomes a mighty oak.

History is the story of the mighty oaks; the acorns get little ink. There are too many seeds, and their existence is too transient. So historians, in professional retrospect, tell us which of the acorns got lucky.

We go forward armed with the lessons of the past: it's not always the obvious things that change the course of the world. Sometimes they are small, or overlooked. The best sellers of pre-Revolutionary France were largely ignored by literati of the time and by literary tradition since. They tended to be roughly drawn and raw, even pornographic. But those works have been rediscovered by historians like Robert Darnton of Princeton University who see the possible causes of social movements in the bawdy tales, "certain books that were never reviewed, that appeared and were ignored by the media of the time, but that made a tremendous difference," he says.

In Professor Darnton's 1995 book, "The Forbidden Best Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France," he writes about racy works like "Anecdotes About Mme. la Comtesse du Barry," the story of the courtesan to King Louis XV. It was, he says, "a book that presented the king as a very flawed human being" - in fact, "a dirty old man, incompetent and decadent." Thus a book overlooked by the elite helped to strip the monarchy of its sacred aura and may have ultimately helped to open the royal path to the guillotine.

Revolutions have come from less.

Sometimes big changes start with something as simple as drawing a line. The statesmen and bureaucrats who devised the modern Middle East from the wreckage of the Ottoman Empire during World War I and just after did not foresee the decades of bitter conflict that would ensue along every border. What the historian David Fromkin called "a line drawn on an empty map by a British civil servant in the early 1920's" between the nations now known as Iraq and Kuwait was disregarded by Saddam Hussein when he invaded in 1990. The attempt to rebuild Iraq depends on the meshing of three provinces of the Ottoman empire, sewn together as part of the same effort to divvy up the region and create British and French spheres of interest that eventually defined the outlines of Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon.

Thus do bureaucrats and technologists shape the world, drawing lines and setting standards that might cause the eyes to glaze over at the time but which ultimately define reality. Consistent standards for railroad tracks boosted national trade and population movements. Protocols for the movement of packets of data across computer networks laid the foundation for the Internet, with its vast online libraries and spam, virtual communities and porn.

Each surprising revolution, it seems, can bring benefit and nuisance. When the Postal Service introduced its Zone Improvement Plan in 1963, the mundane goal was to identify the mail delivery station associated with an address. It drew a border between past and present, says Edward Tenner, the author of "Why Things Bite Back: Technology and the Revenge of Unintended Consequences." What resulted was a more efficient mail system, but also "a new style of demographic and social analysis, marketing and clustering" that shapes everything from the allocation of bargain fliers and mail-order catalogs to the placement of stores.

Other major influences may not have started small or even unnoticed, but are pushed aside, with enormous consequences. At the founding of the American republic, abolitionists were already campaigning to stop the slave trade, and wore political buttons - Wedgwood pins depicting a slave in chains - to show their views. But the authors of the Constitution protected the right to repossess a slave - or, as they euphemistically put it, a "person held to service or labor," and counted slaves as three-fifths of a person for purposes of taxation and representation.

The repercussions of that decision produced the most powerful chapters of the American story, from 1789 to the Civil War to the racial battles of the 20th century and into the 21st.

When the economy of the South withered in the early 20th century, the black migration to the North, little noted at the time, reshaped the demographics and economies of the region. That population movement "wasn't a story covered in the press very much" at the time, but it is a phenomenon that reshaped the nation, said Nicholas Lemann, the dean of the graduate school of journalism at Columbia University. Mr. Lemann has written two books that find the unnoticed causes of revolutions, "The Promised Land: The Great Black Migration and How It Changed America," and his history of the SAT, "The Big Test: The Secret History of the American Meritocracy." The black migration to the North "nationalized the race issue in America," he said, and "turned it from a mainly Southern question to a more national question."

This migration urbanized black America, changed the geography of cities, shifted the focus of politics and raised fundamental questions about the role of government in people's lives. It even "had a lot to do with making American pop culture an African-American culture, which then spread around the world," Mr. Lemann said.

There would be, notes Michael Lind, an author and senior fellow at the New America Foundation, "an equally important white migration to the South.'' Built on the development of seemingly small amenities like air-conditioning that made blistering summers livable, the politics and economics of the South were transformed by those moving away from crowded cities and seeking the wider open spaces of a nice backyard, with a corresponding rise in conservative politics, he said.

We never know where change will take us. In a 1994 essay on military revolutions, "Cavalry to Computer," the historian Andrew F. Krepinevich described the advent of the six-foot yew longbow during the Hundred Years' War in the 1300's and 1400's. By substituting yew for heavier woods, an archer could carry a bow into battle that could pierce the armor of a cavalryman. Mr. Krepinevich warns that technology alone does not change the course of war; any advance must be coupled with changes in the structure and operation of a military unit. But the changes made possible by the yew longbow were a factor in a more powerful role for the infantry, and a competitive advantage for England in that conflict and beyond.

To Michael O'Hanlon, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, those shifts in materials and technology in the eternal back-and-forth ways of war are anything but small. "Empires change hands over things like this," he said. But the march of progress in military technology, he added, has an unintended consequence of its own: each advance gives the owners the tantalizing sense of invincibility, and "victory at low cost."

Do consequences get any bigger?

In this issue of the Week in Review, we are proposing to find some developments today that could have profound effects tomorrow. No one can predict where the changes will lead, but the goal here is to identify some causes of the next big things, whatever they may be. It's always possible that we'll be wrong: Sometimes a butterfly flaps its wing in the Brazilian rain forest and nothing happens.

Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company



To: MSI who wrote (21855)12/28/2003 2:06:32 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793684
 
You can bet that Carl Rove is collecting all these film clips.

Kerry Paints Stark Contrast Between Dean And Himself
By DAVID M. HALBFINGER New York Times

PORTSMOUTH, N.H., Dec. 27 — Senator John Kerry delivered a withering attack Saturday on Howard Dean, trying to frame the presidential campaign in New Hampshire as a two-man race and saying voters here faced a choice between Dr. Dean's "confusion and contradiction" and his own "steady and consistent hand."

With a month left until New Hampshire's primary and his standing in most polls in the state a distant second to Dr. Dean, Mr. Kerry assailed him for several of his more controversial statements about Iraq and for being unclear about what should happen to Osama bin Laden.

"We need more than simple answers and the slip of the tongue," Mr. Kerry said. "Our world is complicated, and the challenges we face demand a president who knows what he's saying and knows where America needs to go."

He reminded an avid crowd in Manchester that Dr. Dean had commended the capture of Saddam Hussein one day then on the next asserted that it did not make America any safer. "It raises serious doubts about both his realism and resolve," Mr. Kerry said.

"When he spreads unfounded rumors about the administration having prior warnings of Sept. 11 and then passes it off because someone had posted it on the Internet, it leaves Americans questioning judgment and sense of responsibility," Mr. Kerry added.

"After every episode comes a statement trying to explain it away," he said. "So we're left asking, will Americans really vote for a foreign policy by clarifying press release?"

Dr. Dean, the former Vermont governor, declined to respond to Mr. Kerry's comments or to take any questions from national reporters as he campaigned across Iowa with Representative Robert Menendez of New Jersey, the third-ranking Democrat in the House and the only member of the party's leadership who is not backing Representative Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri.

But Sarah Leonard, a spokeswoman for the Dean campaign, said, "What you're seeing is a career politician desperate to save his political career."

"How can the governor respond to every attack when they can't even get their attacks straight?" Ms. Leonard said, pointing out that the Kerry campaign had criticized Dr. Dean in recent weeks both for being antiwar and for not being consistently antiwar. "John Kerry says he has the experience to ask the tough questions. Then why didn't he ask the tough questions, why did he just vote for the war?"

In Dr. Dean's latest bit of trouble, a New Hampshire newspaper, The Concord Monitor, quoted him on Friday as saying, "I still have this old-fashioned notion that even with people like Osama, who is very likely to be found guilty, we should do our best not to, in positions of executive power, not to prejudge jury trials."

Later Friday, Dr. Dean told The Associated Press: "As a president, I would have to defend the process of the rule of law. But as an American, I want to make sure he gets the death penalty he deserves." Later he issued a statement calling this "exactly the kind of case that the death penalty is meant for."

On Saturday, Dr. Dean's rivals pounced. Mr. Gephardt issued a statement saying those remarks called into question Dr. Dean's electability. "When you're in a debate with the president of the United States, there are no do-overs," he said.

In a telephone interview, Mr. Gephardt added: "I don't see how we can beat George Bush with statements like that — it won't make sense to the American people."

In his speech, Mr. Kerry took a similar tack.

"What kind of muddled thinking is it if you can't instantly say that in your heart you know Osama bin Laden is guilty, should be tried in the U.S., and given the maximum punishment?" Mr. Kerry said. "I tell you, you don't have to listen too carefully to hear the sound of Champagne corks popping in Karl Rove's office. Someone who talks like this is going to have a hard time convincing the American people that he can keep them safe."

Much of Mr. Kerry's speech was a rebuke of Dr. Dean's own attacks on centrists like himself and on Democrats in Congress.

"No, we can't beat George Bush by being `Bush lite,' " he said, using Dr. Dean's own description of centrist Democrats. "But we also won't beat George Bush by being light on national security, light on fairness for middle-class Americans and light on the values that make us Democrats."

Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company



To: MSI who wrote (21855)12/28/2003 7:57:04 AM
From: kumar  Respond to of 793684
 
Thanks for the compliments!