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Politics : I Will Continue to Continue, to Pretend.... -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Sully- who wrote (776)1/1/2004 4:03:46 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Large File of Evidence Is Available in C.I.A. Leak Case
January 1, 2004
By DAVID JOHNSTON

WASHINGTON, Dec. 31 — The special prosecutor appointed to lead the inquiry into who divulged the name of an undercover C.I.A. officer will be given access to a substantial investigative file compiled over the last three months. The file contains more than 30 interviews of Bush administration officials and a body of White House documents that investigators said could help crack the case.

The prosecutor, Patrick J. Fitzgerald, the United States attorney in Chicago who was named on Tuesday to take over the case, will be armed with a full range of prosecutorial powers, including the authority to convene a grand jury to obtain sworn testimony from officials suspected of having knowledge of the matter.

With the interviews, documents and grand jury tools, law enforcement officials said on Wednesday that they are increasingly optimistic that Mr. Fitzgerald stands a strong chance of getting to the bottom of whether anyone in the administration improperly identified a C.I.A. officer to a newspaper columnist.

But despite the resurgent mood surrounding the case, investigators are said to doubt, at least for the moment, that anyone is likely to be prosecuted for disclosure of the identity of the officer even though the unauthorized disclosure of an undercover operative is a federal crime. That is because a prosecutor must show that a defendant knew that it was unlawful to disclose the name.

White House officials have denied that senior aides to President Bush disclosed the identity of the C.I.A. officer, Valerie Plame, to Robert Novak, who wrote in his syndicated column last July that Ms. Plame, the wife of former Ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV, was a C.I.A. employee. Mr. Wilson was a critic of the administration's Iraq policies.

Specifically, the White House has denied that Karl Rove, the president's chief political adviser, had any role in leaking the information to Mr. Novak. Mr. Rove is among the officials interviewed by F.B.I. agents, but so far none of them have been questioned under oath, officials said.

Investigators instructed the White House, the C.I.A., the Defense Department and the State Department not to destroy any records that could be considered relevant to the inquiry. But the White House is the only agency at which investigators are known to have demanded that officials actually turn over records.

The White House has turned over a number of documents, officials said, including notes of White House meetings, calendars, phone records and datebooks that officials have said provided telling clues about who within the administration may have had access to Ms. Plame's identity.

While some details of the evidence in the case are known, the overall status of the investigation has been difficult to gauge independently. It is not known, for example, whether the inquiry has focused on any single suspect.

The Justice Department and the F.B.I. have dropped an unusually heavy veil of secrecy over the leak investigation, at Attorney General John Ashcroft's insistence. Lawyers and agents have been required to sign nondisclosure agreements, and Robert S. Mueller III, the F.B.I. director, assigned the case to an F.B.I. headquarters unit under close supervision of senior bureau officials.
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Justice Department officials cautioned against reading too much into the appointment of Mr. Fitzgerald. One department official said that the appointment did not indicate that the inquiry had compiled a critical mass of evidence that had forced Mr. Ashcroft's decision to step aside as the senior official in charge. Mr. Ashcroft's aides have said that the attorney general has been prepared all along to recuse himself to avoid even the appearance of a political conflict of interest.
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Even so, attorneys general rarely voluntarily cede authority over big cases. And Mr. Ashcroft has maintained tight control during three months of increasingly harsh criticism from Democrats in the Senate who complained that he could not credibly lead an investigation that focused on the White House and on old friends like Mr. Rove, a former adviser to Mr. Ashcroft.

Associates of Mr. Fitzgerald said it seemed unlikely that he would have accepted the appointment if the investigation was likely to wind up as a dead-end case. Mr. Fitzgerald is highly respected among career prosecutors and longtime F.B.I. agents as one of the toughest legal adversaries in the Justice Department. One associate said, "I'm sure the word is going out that the bulldog has arrived in town."

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company



To: Sully- who wrote (776)1/1/2004 4:09:10 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
OCT. 9, 2003: SPY GAMES
Mark Steyn has the best, clearest, and of course funniest summation I’ve yet read of the Wilson/Plame affair in the current Spectator:

Message 19572744



To: Sully- who wrote (776)1/2/2004 10:06:08 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
"Democrats Now Love the C.I.A."
Message 19367174

The Plame Affair
Message 19477717

A Perfect Scandal
D.C.'s Latest High
Message 19395197

Nicholas Kristof says Aldrich Ames had already outed Plame in 1994. He adds that Democrats are hyperventilating when they say her life has been put in danger.
Message 19395222

About That Leak...
Message 19401983

Want fair, balanced? Separate intelligence, politics
Message 19558253

Large File of Evidence Is Available in C.I.A. Leak Case
Message 19644705



To: Sully- who wrote (776)1/2/2004 12:44:39 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Justice Could Decide Leak Was Not a Crime

By Mike Allen
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, January 2, 2004; Page A04

CRAWFORD, Tex., Jan.1 -- The Justice Department investigation into the leak of a CIA agent's identity could conclude that administration officials disclosed the woman's name and occupation to the media but still committed no crime because they did not know she was an undercover operative, legal experts said this week.

"It could be embarrassing but not illegal," said Victoria Toensing, who was chief counsel of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence when Congress passed the law protecting the identities of undercover agents.

The three-month-old investigation entered a new phase Tuesday when Attorney General John D. Ashcroft recused himself and the Justice Department announced the appointment of a special prosecutor, U.S. Attorney Patrick J. Fitzgerald of Chicago. Democratic presidential candidates complained that the change came too late and did too little to protect against a conflict of interest.

President Bush, when asked Thursday about the probe, said he did not know why Ashcroft had recused himself now.

The Intelligence Identities Protection Act of 1982 specifies that the revelation is a crime only if the accused leaker knew the person was a covert agent. The July newspaper column by Robert D. Novak that touched off the investigation did not specify that Valerie Plame was working undercover, but said she was "an agency operative on weapons of mass destruction." That raises the possibility that the senior administration officials he quoted did not know Plame's status.

"The fact that she was undercover is a classified fact, so it would not be unusual for people to know that she was agency but not know she was undercover," Toensing said.

Plame's husband, former U.S. ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV, had undertaken a volunteer CIA mission that undercut reports that former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein sought uranium from Africa. Wilson became a public critic of the White House case for invading Iraq, and administration officials have said the revelation about Plame was apparently designed to diminish Wilson's credibility by suggesting he got the assignment because of his wife.

Toensing said that administration efforts to encourage reporters to look into the connection between Plame and Wilson could have been "typical Washington talk" and would not "even begin to qualify as a dirty trick."

Wilson said he believes the White House should be subject to political accountability, as well as legal accountability, if prosecutors discover Bush's aides abetted an attempt to undermine his reputation. "The question is whether the president is going to accept having people on his staff who have engaged in behavior which has to be inconsistent with his own promise to change the tone in Washington," Wilson said. "Just because it isn't criminal doesn't make it ethically acceptable."

Deputy Attorney General James B. Comey Jr., who announced the new leadership of the investigation, gave no indication of where it was heading. FBI agents have interviewed a variety of senior administration officials and have asked about the possible involvement of top White House aides, including Bush's senior adviser, Karl Rove.

When White House press secretary Scott McClellan was barraged with questions about the case this fall, he said repeatedly he knew of no Bush aides who had "leaked classified information." McClellan would not answer questions about the ethics or propriety of encouraging reporters to write about Plame.

"The subject of this investigation is whether someone leaked classified information," McClellan said. Another time, he said, "The issue here is whether or not someone leaked classified information." McClellan left open the possibility that White House aides had discussed Plame with the media.

A senior administration official said Bush's aides did not intend to mount a legalistic defense, but two GOP legal sources who have discussed the case with the White House said the careful, consistent wording of McClellan's statements was no accident.

"If they could have made a broader denial, they would have," said a lawyer who is close to the White House. "But they seem to be confident they didn't step over the legal line."

© 2004 The Washington Post Company



To: Sully- who wrote (776)1/4/2004 1:21:51 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
The CIA Agent Flap: FBI Asks for Reporters to Talk
Investigators are pressing Administration officials to let journalists tell whatever they know about the leak of a CIA agent's identity

By JOHN F. DICKERSON AND VIVECA NOVAK - TIME

FBI investigators looking into the criminal leak of a CIA agent’s identity have asked Bush Administration officials including senior political adviser Karl Rove to release reporters from any confidentiality agreements regarding conversations about the agent. If signed, the single-page requests made over the last week would give investigators new ammunition for questioning reporters who have so far, according to those familiar with the case, not disclosed the names of administration officials who divulged that Valerie Plame, wife of former ambassador Joe Wilson, worked for the CIA.

While irregular, the move is not unprecedented. Various officials were told from the start that such a request might be made. Along with the recusal this week of Attorney General John Ashcroft, this suggests that investigators are ready to enter the next stage of the probe. U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald has been named special prosecutor to oversee the inquiry. The FBI has already extensively re-interviewed some White House officials using emails and phone logs from their search to press for the identity of the leaker. “They are taking this very seriously,” says one close to the case.

Lucy Dalglish, executive director of the Reporters' Committee for Freedom of the Press, says asking people who are in the universe of possible suspects to sign such a document is unusual, though not unheard of. "From the prosecutors' point of view, it is likely a precursor to subpoenaing journalists to testify before a grand jury, and then asking a judge to hold them in contempt if they refuse to do so," she noted.

It's plain that White House officials are under some pressure to sign the documents. "They can't refuse," said one individual who's familiar with the case. "The worst thing to be accused of here is not cooperating with the investigation." But reporters are not likely to feel the same pressure. Journalists rarely divulge the identities of confidential sources even when threatened with contempt citations so the releases may make little difference. Still, in a post-9/11 world, a case involving the disclosure of a covert agent's identity could be taken very seriously by a judge, who would have the power to jail a member of the press for refusing to cooperate with a grand jury.

For an administration that at times holds a very dim view of the press, the reputation of the Bush White House and the future of some of its officials may hang on the profession’s ethical standards.

Copyright © 2004 Time Inc. All rights reserved.



To: Sully- who wrote (776)2/10/2004 8:42:10 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Bush Aides Testify in Leak Probe
Grand Jury Called McClellan, 2 Others

By Mike Allen and Susan Schmidt
Washington Post Staff Writers
Tuesday, February 10, 2004; Page A01

A federal grand jury has questioned one current and two former aides to President Bush, and investigators have interviewed several others, in an effort to discover who revealed the name of an undercover CIA officer to a newspaper columnist, sources involved in the case said yesterday.

White House press secretary Scott McClellan said yesterday that he talked to the grand jury on Friday. Mary Matalin, former counselor to Vice President Cheney, testified Jan. 23, the sources said. Adam Levine, a former White House press official, also testified Friday, the sources said.
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None is suspected by prosecutors of having exposed undercover CIA officer Valerie Plame, but they were questioned about White House public relations strategy, the sources said.
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FBI agents have interviewed those and at least five other current and former Bush aides and have questioned them about thousands of e-mails that the White House surrendered in October, along with stacks of call logs and calendars, the sources said.

The logs indicate that several White House officials talked to columnist Robert D. Novak shortly before July 14, when he published a column quoting "two senior administration officials" saying that Plame, "an agency operative on weapons of mass destruction," had suggested her husband for a mission to Niger to investigate whether Iraq tried to acquire uranium there as part of an effort to develop nuclear weapons.

White House witnesses have been asked about cell phone calls and have been shown handwritten, diary-style notes from colleagues, as well as e-mails from reporters to administration officials. In at least a few cases, the FBI questioning was portrayed as very aggressive, with agents homing in on specific conversations with journalists. "Even witnesses that they describe as being potentially helpful are being treated as adversaries," a source close to the investigation said.

Plame is married to Joseph C. Wilson IV, former U.S. ambassador to Gabon. He became a prominent critic of Bush's case for war after conducting the mission in 2002 and finding no proof that Iraq had tried to buy nuclear materials.
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The White House e-mails include criticism of Wilson, the sources said. Wilson is an unpaid foreign policy adviser to the front-runner in the Democratic presidential race, Sen. John F. Kerry (Mass.), and has made campaign stops for him in Iowa, New Hampshire, Maine, New York, Massachusetts and Washington state.
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A parallel FBI investigation into the apparent forgery of documents suggesting that Iraq attempted to buy yellowcake uranium from Niger is "at a critical stage," according to a senior law enforcement official who declined to elaborate. That probe, conducted by FBI counterintelligence agents, was launched last spring after U.N. officials pronounced the documents crude forgeries.

Several sources involved in the leak case said the questioning suggests prosecutors are preparing to seek testimony from Novak and perhaps other journalists. "There's a very good likelihood they're going to litigate against journalists," one source said.

News organizations typically resist subpoenas or other methods of obtaining information about confidential sources. In the Plame case, prosecutors have tried to overcome that obstacle by asking several White House officials to sign waivers requesting "that no member of the news media assert any privilege or refuse to answer any questions from federal law enforcement authorities on my behalf or for my benefit."

The sources said most officials declined to sign the form on the advice of their attorneys. "It would just be helping the government to put more pressure on journalists to reveal sources," one of the lawyers said.

Legal experts said the request for waivers may be intended to show that the FBI has used all possible means to get the information, as Justice Department regulations require, before bringing reporters before the grand jury. The reporters' news-gathering privilege is limited, and "it's most vulnerable in the course of a criminal probe," said Washington defense lawyer Solomon Wisenberg.

The Intelligence Identities Protection Act makes it a felony to disclose a covert agent's identity if the person making the disclosure knew the covert status of the employee and revealed it intentionally.

Officials interviewed by the FBI include Karl Rove, Bush's senior adviser; McClellan; Matalin; Levine; White House communications director Dan Bartlett; former White House press secretary Ari Fleischer; I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, Cheney's chief of staff; and Cathie Martin, a Cheney aide, according to the sources.

McClellan said at a briefing on Oct. 10 that Rove and Libby, the only interview subjects about whom he had been publicly questioned, "assured me they were not involved in this."

McClellan told reporters on Air Force One yesterday that his appearance was a matter of "doing my part to cooperate, as the president directed all of us to do."

Matalin, reached by telephone, said, "I can't comment."
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Wilson has said his CIA mission was undertaken in response to questions raised by the vice president. But administration officials have said Cheney knew nothing about Wilson or his trip.
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Officials said authorities are very interested in who had the security clearance to know about Plame's identity, and how that information might have come into the White House or have been spread once it did.

The investigators have also studied how the White House reacted to Wilson's first public attack on Bush's case about Iraq. Eight days before Novak's column, Wilson was quoted in The Washington Post, published an opinion article in the New York Times and appeared on NBC's "Meet the Press."

© 2004 The Washington Post Company



To: Sully- who wrote (776)7/12/2004 5:28:35 PM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (20) | Respond to of 35834
 
Plame's Input Is Cited on Niger Mission

Report Disputes Wilson's Claims on Trip, Wife's Role

washingtonpost.com
By Susan Schmidt
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, July 10, 2004; Page A09
<font size=4>
Former ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV, dispatched by the CIA in February 2002 to investigate reports that Iraq sought to reconstitute its nuclear weapons program with uranium from Africa, was specifically recommended for the mission by his wife, a CIA employee, contrary to what he has said publicly.

Wilson last year launched a public firestorm with his accusations that the administration had manipulated intelligence to build a case for war. He has said that his trip to Niger should have laid to rest any notion that Iraq sought uranium there and has said his findings were ignored by the White House.

Wilson's assertions -- both about what he found in Niger and what the Bush administration did with the information -- were undermined yesterday in a bipartisan Senate intelligence committee report.

The panel found that Wilson's report, rather than debunking intelligence about purported uranium sales to Iraq, as he has said, bolstered the case for most intelligence analysts. And contrary to Wilson's assertions and even the government's previous statements, the CIA did not tell the White House it had qualms about the reliability of the Africa intelligence that made its way into 16 fateful words in President Bush's January 2003 State of the Union address.

Yesterday's report said that whether Iraq sought to buy lightly enriched "yellowcake" uranium from Niger is one of the few bits of prewar intelligence that remains an open question. Much of the rest of the intelligence suggesting a buildup of weapons of mass destruction was unfounded, the report said.

The report turns a harsh spotlight on what Wilson has said about his role in gathering prewar intelligence, most pointedly by asserting that his wife, CIA employee Valerie Plame, recommended him.

Plame's role could be significant in an ongoing investigation into whether a crime was committed when her name and employment were disclosed to reporters last summer.

Administration officials told columnist Robert D. Novak then that Wilson, a partisan critic of Bush's foreign policy, was sent to Niger at the suggestion of Plame, who worked in the nonproliferation unit at CIA. The disclosure of Plame's identity, which was classified, led to an investigation into who leaked her name.

The report may bolster the rationale that administration officials provided the information not to intentionally expose an undercover CIA employee, but to call into question Wilson's bona fides as an investigator into trafficking of weapons of mass destruction. To charge anyone with a crime, prosecutors need evidence that exposure of a covert officer was intentional.

The report states that a CIA official told the Senate committee that Plame <font color=blue>"offered up"<font color=black> Wilson's name for the Niger trip, then on Feb. 12, 2002, sent a memo to a deputy chief in the CIA's Directorate of Operations saying her husband <font color=blue>"has good relations with both the PM [prime minister] and the former Minister of Mines (not to mention lots of French contacts), both of whom could possibly shed light on this sort of activity."<font color=black> The next day, the operations official cabled an overseas officer seeking concurrence with the idea of sending Wilson, the report said.

Wilson has asserted that his wife was not involved in the decision to send him to Niger.
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"Valerie had nothing to do with the matter,"<font color=black> Wilson wrote in a memoir published this year. <font color=blue>"She definitely had not proposed that I make the trip."
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Wilson stood by his assertion in an interview yesterday, saying Plame was not the person who made the decision to send him. Of her memo, he said: <font color=blue>"I don't see it as a recommendation to send me."<font color=black>
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The report said Plame told committee staffers that she relayed the CIA's request to her husband, saying, <font color=blue>"there's this crazy report"<font color=black> about a purported deal for Niger to sell uranium to Iraq. The committee found Wilson had made an earlier trip to Niger in 1999 for the CIA, also at his wife's suggestion.

The report also said Wilson provided misleading information to The Washington Post last June. He said then that he concluded the Niger intelligence was based on documents that had clearly been forged because <font size=3><font color=blue>"the dates were wrong and the names were wrong."

"Committee staff asked how the former ambassador could have come to the conclusion that the 'dates were wrong and the names were wrong' when he had never seen the CIA reports and had no knowledge of what names and dates were in the reports,"<font color=black> the Senate panel said. Wilson told the panel he may have been confused and may have <font color=blue>"misspoken"<font color=black> to reporters. The documents -- purported sales agreements between Niger and Iraq -- were not in U.S. hands until eight months after Wilson made his trip to Niger.

Wilson's reports to the CIA added to the evidence that Iraq may have tried to buy uranium in Niger, although officials at the State Department remained highly skeptical, the report said.

Wilson said that a former prime minister of Niger, Ibrahim Assane Mayaki, was unaware of any sales contract with Iraq, but said that in June 1999 a businessman approached him, insisting that he meet with an Iraqi delegation to discuss <font color=blue>"expanding commercial relations"<font color=black> between Niger and Iraq -- which Mayaki interpreted to mean they wanted to discuss yellowcake sales. A report CIA officials drafted after debriefing Wilson said that <font color=blue>"although the meeting took place, Mayaki let the matter drop due to UN sanctions on Iraq."<font color=black>

According to the former Niger mining minister, Wilson told his CIA contacts, Iraq tried to buy 400 tons of uranium in 1998.

Still, it was the CIA that bore the brunt of the criticism of the Niger intelligence. The panel found that the CIA has not fully investigated possible efforts by Iraq to buy uranium in Niger to this day, citing reports from a foreign service and the U.S. Navy about uranium from Niger destined for Iraq and stored in a warehouse in Benin.

The agency did not examine forged documents that have been widely cited as a reason to dismiss the purported effort by Iraq until months after it obtained them. The panel said it still has <font color=blue>"not published an assessment to clarify or correct its position on whether or not Iraq was trying to purchase uranium from Africa."
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© 2004 The Washington Post Company